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A. B. University of Illinois, 1910 
A. M. University of Illinois, 1912 


Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the 

Degree of 






1 ? 

VISION BY .... UU.. LJLfL. L^JL.. T 




iiAl- sx^. ^^Jb^\A^uaJL a^^sL £<\slJ^L£uL.. 


DEGREE OF jJLteg^Etel*. 

Head of Department 

Recommendation concurred in :* 


Final Examination* 

*Required for doctor's degree but not for master's. 




Introduction i. 

Chaj ter I, A Definition of the Voyage lnaginaire 1. 

Chapter II, The Voyage Inaginaire before Lore's Utopia (1516) .... 17 
Chaiter III, The Voyage Imgjginalre from Lore to Gott (1516 - 1648} 58 

Chapter IY, The Voyage Imaginaire from i..ontpensier to Tysaot 

(1662 - 1723) 143, 

Chapter V, The Voyage Imaginaire from Swift to Walter (1726 - 179^0 195 

Chapter VI, The Artistic Theory and Development of the 

Voyage Imaginaire.. 251, 

iitliography i 

Vita xxii 


ApOlOgy is perhaps due to a suffering public for adding to the 
already large stock of historical and critical material on the novel rnd romcnee; 
but it nay be urged in defence of this volume that it treats of a field which 
has so far been ignored by the chief critics and historians. The remans, as 
the bibliography and the first charter will indicate, have done considerable 
with the Utopias, but not in a literary way; their interest has centered not 
in the literary or artistic qualities and significance of these works, but in 
t:eir intellectual influence. Even historians of fiction have, while dealing 
with occasional works of this class, tended to ignore the type as a type; or 
when they did recognize its existence, they have not given it consideration 
enough to reder the formulation of an accurate definition possible. This 
dissertation has sought, therefore, to give within the limits set for it a 
thorough historical survey of a class of prose fiction, as well as to define 
that class. 

Certain of the strictures placed upon the study may seem arbitrary. 
The limitation of the scope of the work to the field of the prose voyage 
imaginaire is one of these; but ihe inclusion of poetical voyages would have 
produced two hampering results. It would, first of all, have extended the 
bounds of the investigation beyond a manageable limit; and in the second place, 
it would have i recluded the discussion of the voyage imaginaire as a type of 
prose fiction. As a precedent for such restriction of a stud;- to prose fiction 
I cite Du;«lop. furthermore, the prose voyage and the poetical deal, in most 
cases, with entirely different materials and subjects, and their form makes 
possible theories concerning them divergent. The exclusion of poetry has, then, 
tended to i roduce a unity of subject matter not otherwise obtainable. The 
date set as the close of the period covered in this investigation was deter- 
mined chiefly by the fact that by 1800 practically all of the characteristics 


which distinguish the voyage lma glgalr e had been doveloied, and that conse- 
quent^ a survey of the tyi e before tU't year would reveal in full the growth 
and expansion of the voyage . ...ack of time nlso made necessary a limitation 
Of the material presented, and so the nineteenth century was omitted as being 
able to be scared with least loss to the value of the study as a history, 
r'or the same reason many interesting side issues have been ignored — the 
relation of the voyag e imaginaire to politics, joiitical science, economics, 
religion, and education. These omissions 1 hope to remedy in the printed book. 

Certain apologies are also due to scholars abroad. While the sub- 
ject of this the? is was suggested to the author in the summer of 1912, and was 
held in mind by him from that time on, actual vork u on it was not begun until 
the autumn of 1914 since research equipment was not available to him during 
the interim. V*hen 1 returned to the University of Illinois, hostilities had 
already broken out in Lurope. This situation made it impossible to secure 
certain merman books of great importance to the work — notable Prys, Per 
dtaatsroman in loten und 17tcn Jahrhunderts and Ha*nnling, Pahrten nach ^ond 
SPnne — as well as others of lesser value. In addition, volumes xxi - xxxix 
of the Voyages Imaginaires (G-arnier, 1737 - 1739 j have not been available, 
although some of the material contained in them has been found elsewhere, 
either in separate editions or in sumriary. It is possible, of course, that the 
examination of this material might change some of the conclusions I have drawn; 
but 1 do not believe that such is likely to be the case. 1 think, moreover, 
that any possible changes would be very slight, ^here is, also, some likeli- 
hood that I have appropriated to myself discoveries already published in some 
of these unobtainable critical works. If such has been the case, 1 hasten to 

disclaim any intentional trespass, and to apologize for the unintended plagia- 

There remains only tc ex; ress my indebtedness to particular individ- 


uals. Kspecial tlianks must be nccorded i rofessor Ernest bernbaum, oi* the 
University of Illinois, under whose immediate supervision this thesis was 
prepared. Acknowledgement is also due to Professors E. C. Baldwin and Jacob 
$tltlin« of the University of Illinois, and to ^r. A. J. Tieje, of the 
University of Minnesota, for valuable suggestions, as it is to various members 
of the University of Illinois library otaff, especially ^iss Heilie hoberts, 
for tleir unfailing courtesy and kindly aid in securing bcoks. 

Urbana, Illinois, 
i-ay lo, 1?17. 

Chaptor I. 

Much has "been written on the history of prose fiction; 
criticism has treated certain special phases of it; but the 
voyage imaginaire , although the term has found occasional use 
for almost two hundred years, and the type has been in existence 
for as many more, remains undeservedly neglected. Various cir- 
cumstances have, no doubt, contributed to this disregard. First 
of all, many works which may be so classed have disappeared al- 
together, or exist now only in rare copies. Even collections of 
these fictions, such as Gamier 'e Voyages Imarrinaires (1787 - 
1789) or 7'eber's Popular Romances (1812), can not readily be 
procured; in fact, only the former seems now to be obtainable, 
and at that seldom in complete sets. 1 Another cause of this 
neglect has been the tendency to classify novels according- to 
their apparent purpose or to the author's manner of treating 
his subject — as political or pastoral. The voyage imaginaire 
has, however, in the course of its development dealt with a 
variety of purposes and has not always treated its material in 
the sane way; and as a result of this classification has usually 

1. I know of no complete set in America. The British Museum 

and the Bodlean Library have one each. Harvard has volumes 
1-30 inclusive; the University of Illinois, volumes 1-20 
inclusive. See Bibliography for full title and contents. 

been assumed to be a sub-variety of some other species. But 

whatever the cause, the result is clear; the term has had very 

little roal and exact signification and still less use. Among 

3 4- 

historians of fiction Dunlop and Haleigh 4 alono mention the 
type. Burton, Cross, Dawson, Forsyth, Holliday, Jeffrepon, 
JusBerand, Lanier, Saintsbury, and Stoddard contenting them- 
selves, when they discuss works which might be so classed, with 

a consideration of the individual author and his books. Two 

scholars have also attempted definitions, which, however, can- 
not, as will be seen, meet the test of practicability. The 
purpose of this study is, then, not alone to establish the 
voyage imaginaire in its rightful place as an important type of 
prose fiction, but also to give the term a meaningful and work- 
able definition, and at the same time to trace, as far as pos- 
sible, the relation of the individual voyages to each other 
and in some measure to the development of prose fiction as a 
whole . 

As has been said, the term voyage imaginaire is almost 
two hundred years old; but in all that time it has not borne 
any real or exact meaning. Perhaps the earliest definition is 
that of l'Abbe Desfontaine, who in the Preface to his transla- 
tion of Gulliver 's Travels (1727) classifies under that term 

2. Morgan, Charlotte, Novel of Manners , 1911, Dp. 18 - 19. 

3. Dunlop, John, History of Prose Piotion , third edition, 1845, 

pp. 389 - AOTT. 

4. Raleigh, "/alter, The English Hovel , fifth edition, 1906, 

pp. 136 and 219. 

5. Tieje, A. J., The Expressed Aim of Long Prose Miction from 

1579 to 174C ~Tti the Journal of English and Germanic 
Philology , vol. X, pg. 405; and Morgan, Charlotte, Novel 
of Manner's , pp. 18 - 19. 


Plato's Republic , More's Utopia , Bacon's hew Atlantis , Lucian's 
Vorae Historiae . Cyrano's Voyages , Vairasso's L 'Histoiro dos 
So vo ranbes , Foigny's Jacques Sadcur, tho Voyages de Jacques Mace , 
and Swift's Gulliver as containing the idea. of "un pays suppose 
et un voyage imaginaire " . 6 Sixty years later an equally loose 
classification persisted; for when in 1787 Carnier bepan issuing 
his collection of Voyages Imapinaires , Romanesques , 1'ervellieux, 
Allegoriques , Amu sans , Comiques et Critiques , Suivis des Songcs 
et Visions , e t des Romans Cabal is ti que s , he opened it with 
Robinson Crusoe , and included such fiction as Gulliver ' s Travels , 
Cyrano de Bergerac ' s Ultats et Empires de la Lune et du Soleil , 
Holberg's Iter subterraneum , and Bethune's Monde de Her cure . 
The Utopias are represented by Vairasse's L 'Histoire des Sever - 
ances and Grivel's L ' Isle Inconnue . The collection also contains 
the Adventures of Captain Robert Boyle — a guide book descrip- 
tion of various real countries which the author supposedly 
visited, together with the histories of several pairs of lovers, 

ending with a description of Pennsylvania and the city of Phila- 

delphia. Les Voyages de Quevedo — a dream satire on the 
follies of mankind — likewise finds a place in the collection. 
The later volumes include sorel's L ' lie de Portraiture and 
Sterne's Sentimental Journey * 8 After surveying these volumes 

6. Voyages Imaginaires , vol. XIV, pp. xxi - xxiTT 

7. Other representatives of the realistic type in Gamier 's 

collection are Les Aventures d 'un Kspagnol , vol. CI I , pp. 
7 - 72.; Naufrage et Aventures de H. Pierre Viaud , same, 
pp. 213 - 384; and Naufrage de Mjme" Codin , same pp. 387-421. 

8. I have cited examples of the voyages imaginaires only. The 

songes et visions are represented by LeVepque'B Reves 
d'AristoTule , etc.; and the roman cab alls t iques by L'Amant 
Salamandre , etc. For a complete list of contents see the 
Bibliograp'hy . 


and Booking to reconcile under ono definition their varied con- 
tents, the confusion becomes only the worse confounded. 

Upon this collection, however, Dunlop based his discussion 
of the typo. 9 His treatment is, nevertheless, valuable not only 
because it is the first in English studios of the novel, but 
because it is the only one; for Raleigh merely notes in one case 
that novels of this genre have an "ulterior purpose, political 
or satirical", and in another that Peter Tilkins (1750) is a 
voyage imaginaire Dunlop's discussion has further worth in 
that it preserves summaries of rare books, such as the Hai Ebn 
Yokdhan (cir. 1198), and points out parallels, as in the case of 
Cyrano de Bergerac and Dean Swift. Its (treat fault, lies in 
basing its classification not upon a critical examination of the 
individual works, but upon a printer's collection. Gamier 's 
divisions as indicated on the title page of the ?rench work 
Dunlop follows exactly. His own definition, moreover, is un- 
workable. To say that voyages imaginaires "bear the same rela- 
tion to real travels and voyages as the common novel and romance 
to history and biography" 11 is to state the truth but vaguely; 
for the border line between the real and the fictitious is not 
always drawn with ease and accuracy. He comes somewhat nearer 
the heart of the matter when he writes they "are generally in- 
tended to exhibit descriptions, events, and subjects of instruc- 
tion, which are not furnished by the scenes and manners of this 
world" (589); but the meaning of these words is made uncertain 

9. Dunlop, J., History of Prose Fiction , third edition, pp. 389- 

10. Raleigh, 17., The Smrlish Novel, fifth edition, pp. 136 and 

219. ; 

11. Dunlop, J., His to ry of Prose Fiction , pg. 389. 


by his admission to tho genro of ai oh books as Storno's '3ont i - 
montal Journoy . In fact, Dunlop carrios tho student no farther 
alon<~ the road toward a definition than did his French prede- 
cessors . 

More recent writers have also failed to produce satisfac- 
tory definitions. Miss Charlotte norgan, as has been mentioned, 
says the voyage imaginaire is a sub-division of the political 


romance, and cites Hall's Mundus Alter et Ider, as an example. 
Since, however. Hall's fundus Alter et Idem deals very little 
with political affairs and is primarily a moral satire, Miss 
Morgan's classification is hardly sound. Moreover, it does not 
allow the inclusion within the genre of such works as Peter 
Wilkins and the Voyage de Milord Ceton , both of which are ob- 
viously voyages imaginaires . 

Dr. A. J. Tieje is more exact. He says: "By the term 
voyage imaginaire is meant a rather unified narrative, aiming 
specifically at literary criticism, at amusement through the in- 
troduction of the wildly fantastic, or at social improvement 

of the race, and invariably carrying the reader into unexplored 

regions". At first sight this definition appears to be sat- 
isfactory, but there is real difficulty in its application. As 
regards realistic fiction, such as Robinson Crusoe , j)r. Tieje 
carries us no farther than did G-arnier and Dunlop. For the 
former included that work in his collection; the latter accepted 
the inclusion; and Dr. Tieje placed it in his Bibliography as 

12. Morgan, Charlotte, Novel of Manners , pp. 18 - 19. 

13. Journal of English and Oermanic Philology , vol. X, pg. 405. 


a voyage inaglnairo « To it ho adds Captain pingloton and the 

New Voyage Around the 7/ or Id , as well as certain novels of 

Penelope Aubin. 14 Why these are voyages imaginaires is not 

olear. Just what social or literary criticism jjefoe expresses 

is not obvious; nor is it apparent just what elements of the 

"wildly fantastic", barring, perhaps, the African desert in 

Singleton , his works contain. Except for this one detail of 

natural history the book is both probable and possible. In the 

New Voyage , as Dr. Maynadier remarks, "the hero sees animals 

somewhat different from any in England, and rich poldfields, and 

frightful volcanoes, but never anything beyond the imagination 


of the most prosaic man". Robinson Crusoe , likewise, is 
strongly realistic; its adventures are scarcely as improbable as 
those of Treasure Island . In addition, whatever the professed 
aim of the Robinsonades may be, t^ey gain their end by the minutelj 
detailed narration of the efforts exerted by an individual or a 
group to sustain life on a desert island. Their interest lies 
not in a journey, not in the discovery of new peoples, but in a 
realistic story of a struggle for existence, or man removed from 
civilization and in combat with nature. As long as this is 
their aim, they are not voyages imaginaires , but voyages in a 
real world. Only when they use the Robinsonade element as a 
means to the description of an imaginary state, as in L 'Histoire 
des Sevorambes (1675); or to that of an ideal commonwealth, as 

14. Tieje, A. J., The Theory of Characterization in Prose Fiction 

prior to 1740 , 1917, pp. 1277 Adventures of Count de Vine - 
vil (lT2lTT Tife of Madame Beaumont (1721 ) , The NobTe 
Slaves (1722), and Life and Adventures of Lady Lucy ( 1726 ) 
are the novels of Penelope Aubin which Dr. Tieje calls 
voyages imaginaires . 

15. Introduction , vol. XIV, Collected Works of Defoe, edit ion, 1903 J 


in L ' Isle Inconnuo (1703 - 1787); or to the expression of moral 
satire, as in ■inllivor 'e Travels (1726); or to the exhibition 
of marvels, as in refer V/ilklns , can they be accepted as falling 
in the class of imaginary voyages • 

.'hat has been said of Defoe's works may also be applied 
to those novels of Penelope Aubin which Dr. Tieje includes in 
his bibliography as voyages i magi nai res . They appear, in fact, 
to have even less claim to inclusion than have those of Defoe. 
It is true there is in them some dwelling on desert islands and 
in caves, and some travelling from one place to another; but 
these are the merest incidents in the novels. The main design 
is the exhibition of virtue, and the narration of "histories". 
If these novels be voyages ima?inairos , it is difficult to con- 
ceive how any story, characters of which travel from one town 
to another, can be excluded from the class. 

The difficulty of giving an exact definition has lain 
in the fact that "le pays suppose et un voyage imaginaire " of 
l'Abbe Desfontaine have been considered as the authors' aim, 
whereas in most cases they are really a means. Dr. Tieje, in 
avoiding this error, fell into that of making his lines of de- 
marcation too vague, and of accepting his predecessors' lax in- 
terpretation of the word "imaginary" as meaning "that which did 
not actually take place" -- no matter how likely or possible it 
was for it to have taken place. In order that these mistakes 
may be corrected two things must be remembered. The first is 
that, in and of themselves, the voyages, the shipwrecks, the 

16. Voyages Imaginaires, vol. XIX, pp. xxi r- xxii. 


imaginary countries and beings ( except whore amusement is the 
author's solo design ) have only a minor importance and a sub- 
sidiary interest in the story. The author seeks (except a*ain 
where amusement is his sole design) to instruct, reform, or 
edify the reader by presenting the government or manners of an 
imaginary people. The second thing to be remembered is that the 
word "imaginary" in this term applies only to the non-existent; 
not only must no journey have been made, but the nation or 
country visited must also be one which has no real being. A 
voyage imaginaire is, then, an autobiographic narrative of a 
journey into an imaginary country written either for the pleasure 
or profit of the reader, or for both. 

The application of the definition to works in which the 
author's whole or partial aim is instruction or reform is not 
difficult. In them, as has been suggested, the writer seeks to 
afford to the reader an illustration of good or evil, by de- 
scribing either the excellence or the depravity of the government 
or manners of an imaginary country inhabited by imaginary beiners - 
men, beasts, or even plants. None can question the propriety 
of considering such ideal states as lore's Utopia (1516) or 
Vairasse's L 'Histoire de Severambes , as voyages of this class 
since they make use of a traveller to present their matter and 
since they deal with imaginary countries. On the other hand, 
Harrington's Oceana is a work of another kind; there is in it no 
journey, and it is so expository in character that one may auestior 
whether it be narrative at all. Nor is there doubt as to the 
classification of such philosophic works as Daniel's Voyage to 


the 7; or LA of tho Cartesians (1690), of suoh moral satiro as 

Hall "8 fundus Alter ot I den (1607), or of such political satire 

as Brunt's Cacklogallinia (17r:7), for they, too, employ the 

TOyage as a means, and to gain their ends employ the description 

of improbable, if not impossible, countries. 

Difficulty does, however, arise in a consideration of 

those voyages imaginaires in which, for the amusement of the 

reader, a fictitious hero is presented, who experiences marvellous 

and improbable adventures in an imaginary country. To avoid 

confusion both A imaginary character of the country and the improb- 
ability of the adventures must be kept in mind. For if a ficti- 
tious hero having fictitious adventures during a fictitious 
Journey in an "unexplored rep-ion" were all that is necessary, as 
Dr. Tieje implies, then neither any romance of the sea nor any 
travel story can be distinguished from the class. But many of 
these are realistic, as, for instance, Defoe's work. The ficti- 
tious alone, therefore, is not a sufficient qualification. Like- 
wise, improbability alone is not a sufficient qualification. For 
if it were, then a host of improbable fictions with realistic 
settings, such as Treasure Island and Tom Sawyer Abroad , would 
intrude into the genre . In either case the lines of division 
become too vague and shifting for the term voyage imaginaire to 
have any special meaning and significance. It must, then, be 
reserved, when applied to a book written for amusement, to 
fictions like Barnes 1 G-erania (1675), Paltock's Peter v;ilkins , 
Verne's Off on a Comet, or de I.Iille's Manuscript Found in a 
Copper Cylinder . 


In connection with this fixing of limits for the genre 
it may also be well to attempt some definition of its subdi- 
visions. Certain oi' these are clear in themselves. Voyages 
written for the purnose of social and philosophic satire can 
hardly be mistaken; while voyages written for amusement offer 
small difficulty except as they are to be distinguished from 
the Robinsonades , and a careful application of the second half 
of the definition will, it is believed, solve this problem. The 
Utopia, however, does present a question. The term has been 
loosely used in two senses -- that of an idealistic state and 
that of an imaginary state. Moreover, the two senses are often 
confused, not to say contradictory. Hall's Hun due Alter et 
Idem is "ideal" as far as it is a creation of the author's fancy; 
but it is certainly the opposite of "ideal" if that term means 
"perfect" or "worthy of emulation". For this reason I have 
throughout this study used the term inaginary state to denote 
all such works, and have qualified the phrase further according 
as the nations exhibited were, or were not, excellent in their 
manners, habits, and governments. 

Some confusion seems to have arisen as regards the char- 
acter and purpose of these imaginary states. Von Mohl, the 
first scholar to attempt an exhaustive study of the field, found 
that they fell into three kinds, travel books, statistical de- 


scriptions, and lives. ffith only the first of these is this 
study concerned. A further and more important contribution on 

17. Geschichte und Literatur des Staat swi s s ens chaf t en , 1855, 

vol. I, pg. 170, ReiseschreibUng , statistischen schilderung , 
und .uebensgeschichte . 


his part is this, that tho imaginary state concerns itself pri- 
marily with three questions that of marriage, that of property, 

18 19 
that of tho distribut ion of labor. To these Pmpp-eman added 

a fourth -- that of an asylum from the world. And all writers 
thus far havo omitted the subject of education, which is an im- 
portant element in practically every imaginary state from Plato 
onward . 

7oigt c assumes a point of view different from von Kohl's 
when he says that the three elements in a utopia are the politic, 
the philosophic, and the religious. These seem, however, not 
to be elements, but rather to be attitudes on the part of the 
authors; for narratives of imaginary states deal always with 
one or more of the problems mentioned. It is the author's pur- 
pose not the content of the book, which determines whether the 
product shall be philosophic, as Plato's Republic ; politic, as 
More's Utopia ; or religious, as Andreae's Ghristianopolis (1619). 

Von Liohl, however, gave no accurate definition of the 

type. Sudre ' included in it all literary and scientific writinrs 
bearing on the problems of political reform -- a classification 
which, we may conclude with Brugrreman, "ist so gut wie nichts". 
Voigt, also, attempted to isolate the species when he raised 

18. Oeschichte und Literatur der a t aat swi ss ens chaf t en , 1855, 

vol. I, pg. 214. 

19. Utopie und Ro binsonade , Untersuchung zur Schnabels Insel 

Felsenburg , 1914, pg. 85. 

20. Voigt, Andreas, soziale Utopien , 1906, pg. 2. 

21. Sudre, Ueschichte der Communismu s, 1882; see Bruggeman, 

Fritz, Utopie und Robinsonade , 1914, pg. 6. 


an elaborate distinction between Idoalirnus , UtopiflmUB , and Poal - 

ismus, concluding that a writer of Utopias ( Utopist ) is one 

"who is, taken all in all, a ran startled by the great defects 

of the existing order in state and society, filled with sadness 

over them, and often in addition, with an embittered hate ap-ainet 

them, and full of pity for all those who suffer under thoir op- 

pression". His attitude toward such sympathy i? disclosed when 

he remarks: "This is the true weakness of utopianism that the 

world appears to it too simple, and that it believes to have 


found the solution of all the world's problems". However much 
light these commentaries may throw upon the state of mind which 
produces a utopia, they do not illuminate the type. And Voigt 
complicates the matter still more by distinguishing two artificial 
classes, the archistic and the anarchistic (the centralized and 
the decentralized). Such an arbitrary division, Bruggeman de- 
clares, and we may agree with him, to be useless since pure in- 
stances of either are not to be found except in rare cases 
Jacques Sadeur being the only strictly anarchistic state known. 
To Bruggeman, then, in default of other definitions, we must turn 
for a compact expression. He says, and his satement is reasonably 
accurate, "A Utopian romance is any presentation of an ideal com- 

22. Voigt, A., Soziale Utopien , pg. 17: "Der ist, urn alles 

zusammenzufassen, ein Mann, ergriffen von der grossen 
Unvollkommenheiten der bestehneden Staatsund Gesellschaft- 
sordnung, erfullt mit Unzuf riedenheit mit ihr, oft ?reradezu 
von erbitterem Hasz gegen sie, und voll Llitleid fur alle, 
welche unter Jenen Mangeln leiden". 

23. Same, pg. V, Introduction , "Das eben ist ja der Fehler r<es 

Utopismus, dapz ihm die Welt zu einfach vorkonmt und 
er die Losung ihrer Widerspruch gefunden zu haben 
ge s\Laubt " . 


■unity in romance form, whether dealing with the orderin, of the 
government or oj society' 1 .^ 4 Such a definition would, of course, 
Include all varieties of the voyage im .ginaire except those 
PSfltten solely for the purpose of amusement. Ihe Leas 
ij, no dc , Lfiable tiiu^e those voyj-gea which aim at social 

or philosophic criticism, as well as those which aim at political 
reform, seek to gain their end by the presentation of an imaginary 
state. But general usage has restricted the term to those works 
which deal specifically with the political organization of the 
state, and more narrowly still to those which present perfect 
states. It is in this last and most limited sense that the word 
"Utopia" is used in this study. 

In this review of earlier discussions of voyages imag in - 
spires, only attempts at definition have been considered. Dis- 
cussions of particular works of the genre can best and most 
clearly be presented in connection with our discussion of those 
works. Of general critical discussion there is little, as has 
been said, there are no extended considerations, of the voyage 
imaginaire, and those few brief ones which do exist are concerned 
mainly with the definition. The Germans, however, as the reader 
may have inferred, have been busy in the field of the Staatsroman ; 
but their studies have by no means been limited to the voya; e 
imagir.aire type. Some of their discoveries, nevertheless, de- 
serve mention here. It was von Mohl who first stated that the 

24. Page 12, "Ein utopischer Roman ist jede Darstellung eines 

idealen Gemeinwesens in Romanform, ob dessen nun in staat- 
lichen einrichtung Oder dem sittlichen Verhalten der 
Sinwohner zum Ausdruck gelangt". See also pg. 7 in Brugge- 
man's Utopie und Hobinsonade . and Andreses Voigt's Soziale 
Utopien , pp. 19 -2C. 


tttopia did not flourish in the middle ages, assigning as causes 
(1) the -rowth and 3pread of Christianity which lifted men's 
minds from a contemplation of this world to a hope of reward in 
one beyond, and (2) the influx of barbarian tribes with the at- 
tendant destruction of culture. In this- opinion Voigt followed 
him.'" 5 That it is just as far as the Utopias are concerned can- 
not be denied, but the student must not extend the generaliza- 
tion to the voyage imaginaire . Von Mohl and Voigt also agree 
in assigning to Plato's Republic and Laws a general direct in- 
fluence upon all later utopists an indebtedness which Barker 

is not so ready to acknowledge. He prefers to consider Plato's 
influence as pervasive rather than direct, and in this he is 
probably right. 2 ^ 

Only two extended attempts have been made to trace in- 
dividual influences between books of the genre . The first is 
Bruggeman's analysis of Schnabel's Ins el ffelsenburg (1731), in 
in which he discovered that only two Utopias, L'Histoire des 
Sevcrambes and Jacques Sadeur , affected it. The other is Felix 
Held's Introduction to his translation of Andreae's Christian - 
opolis . This work will, for the sake of clearness, be considered 
in detail in Chapter III. Here it is sufficient to remark that 
the incomplete examination of evidence, the inconsistent applica- 
tion of parallels, and the rash assumptions of probability in- 
validate many, if not all, of the author's conclusions. 

25. Von Mohl, R. , Geschichte und Literatur der Staatswissen - 

sehaften, 1855, vol. I, pg. 178; and Voigt, A.. Soziale 
Utopien , pg. 55. 

26. Barker, E. , Political Thought of Plato and Aristotle , 1906, 

Appendix B. 


Certain facts regarding the critical literature concern- 

ji&g the voyage imaginare are now clear. Only a few of these 

Toy age 8 seem to have been considered by previous scholars. Plato, 

More, Canipanella, Andreae, Bacon, Vairasse, Foigny, and Hoi berg 

practically exhaust their lists. Unknown to them, or ignored, 


were Camb'ens, Godwin, Kail, Gott, Cyrano, Daniel, Grivol, and 
Bethune. Some of these, as Cyrano and Daniel, were of no sig- 
nificance in their work; but certainly Grivel was. The student 
also realises after a survey of the field that the relations 
Of individual works have been but superficially touched upon. 
Neither von Mohl, Voigt, or Dunlop do more than suggest scattered 
or separate points; they do not follow up their clues. Brugge - 
man's interest centers chiefly on the Robinsonades. Eeld T s work 
is untrustworthy. 

Obviously, then, a study, of the voyage imaginaire is 
desirable if for no other reason than to clear up the confused 
notions in regard to the type. As a first step in this direction 
a definition has already been attempted and made. There still 
remains, however, the larger part of the task. The definition 
itself must find justification in the historical survey. Al- 
though German scholarship ha,s covered certain Utopias in the six- 
teenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries, others it has left 
untouched. What is the importance of those not mentioned! 
What is the significance of those voyages imaginaire s which are 
not political in their bearings? Also, has there been any 

27. Gott is discussed by Held. His work was not known until 
1902, and then it was erroneously accredited to John 


continuous development within the genre, and what relation has 
Such development to that of fiction as a wholo? And finally 
there remains the great question, \ihat fictional value has this 
type 01' narrative? What does it enable the author to do, or the 
reader to enjoy which other types do not? How has it solved the 
jroblems of character, setting, and style? To answer these 
questions is the purpose of this study. 


Chapter II. 


Since the innate curiosity of man concerning neighboring 
countries did not always have at hand the means to satisfy it- 
self, imagination was often forced to supply the lack of facts. 
Thus have grown up the legends of strange races the Amazons 
and the Hyperboreans, of remarkable nations — the Lilliputians 
and the hairy giants, of perfect states Utopia and Severanbia. 
In primitive times such inventions limited themselves to nations 
across rivers, mountain ranges, or seas; 1 but as civilization 
advanced and the means of intercommunication improved, the misty 
regions of the unknown retreated. ™o Herodotus in fifth century 
Greece Africa below Egypt and beyond the mountains of Atlas was 
an unknown land; so, likewise, was trans-Danubian Europe and 
Asia beyond the eastern frontier of Persia. For the medieval 
mind the marvellous was found in India, China, and the Spice 
Islands of the East. 2 Y/hen to these exploration added hitherto 
unknown continents (America and Australia), speculation turned 
thitherward and for two centuries peopled the new lands with 
fabulous races and cities. After a time, however, further dis- 
covery took from the new world its attractive mystery, and left 

1. Antonius Diogenes, Of the ponders beyond Thule , cir. A.D. 

1st cent., preserved only in summary by Photius. 

2. Yoiage and Travaile of dir John I.laundeville, Knight, cir. 

1350"; ■ — £ — 

3. More, Campanella, Bacon, Vairasse, and Foigny located their 

imaginary states in one or the other of these regions. 

it a place no longer fit for imaginary states and extrarapant 
adventure. Then the literature of the voyage _ijnajn_nair_e , fol- 
lowing the lead of Lucian, entered the still more fantastic 
field of interstellar space, where moon-people and star-people 
are exhibited to the reader's gaze; or under the influence of 

science it explored tho portions of the earth yet unconquered 

a. 5 
by man - the poles, the "bottom of the sea, and the center of 

the earth, 6 

It was with the record of this curiosity and this imagin- 
ation — amazing in its variety of form and content, and dis- 
tinctive enough to have attracted to itself the special class 
name of voyage imaginaire — that this study is concerned, .'/hat 
was the first voyage imaginaire cannot he deternined with exact- 
ness; and in an historical study a solution of the question is 
not imperative since the type did not become really influential 

until after 1516. Before that date only one real voyage 


imaginaire — Lucian's Verae Historiae (cir. A.D. 200) — ap- 
pears to have been v/ritten; but works of other sorts contain 
much material upon which later authors of the voyage drew. The 
True History of Herodotus (5th cent. B.O) abounds in descriptions 
of little known nations. Plato in his Republic , Timaeus , and 
Critias (4th cent. B. C), and Plutarch in his Life of Lycurgus 
(A.D. 1st cent.) depict ideal states. Later still the Hai Ebn 

4. Paltock, Robt., Peter yilkins (1750). 

5. Verne, Jules, Twenty thousand Leagues under the Sea . (1872) 

6. Ho lb erg, Ludwig, Iter~"5ubterraneurn (1741). 

7. She works of Antonius Diogenes (see note 1, above) and of 

Iamblichus, which Lucian satirizes in his History , are, 
unfortunately, lost. They were intended, it appears, 
as serious productions* 


ypkdhan (cir. 1190) and Uandeville's Travels (cir. 1350 J present 
yet other matter which was also inoorporatod in the voyago 
imaginaire ♦ The aim of this chapter is to analyse each of 
these works in an effort to determine what elements of the type 
exist in them. 

The True History of Herodotus is not a voyage i marina ire , 
but is, as its first paragraph says, a history of the Persian 


wars. The historian's duty, as Herodotus conceived it, was, 
however, to give not only an account of battles but also of all 
contingent causes and events; consequently the book contains 
descriptions of the many nations and colonies lying around the 
Mediterranean and Black .Seas. The author, it is generally 
agreed, travelled through r.ost of the countries he describes, 
and his observation of "their scenery, their cities small and 
large, their various wonders, their temples and buildings" as 
well as of their manners and customs "is for the most part close 
and accurate". 9 In this respect the True History is a travel 
book; yet from it the authors of the voyage imaginaire may have 

8. "These are the researches of Herodotus of Halicarnassus, which 
he publishes, in the hope of thereby preserving from decay 
the remembe ranee of what men have done, and of preventing the 
great and wonderful actions of the Greeks and the Barbarians 
from losing their due meed of glory; and withal to put on 
record what were the grounds of the feud." (Prom the transla- 
tion by George Rawlinson, 1858-1860). 

9. George Rawlinson, Introduction to his translation of the True 
His to ry , says: "The quantum of his travel has indeed been 
generally exaggerated; but after every deduction is made that 
judicious criticism suggests as proper, there still remains, 
in the distance between the extreme limits reached, and in the 
fulness of the information gained, unmistakable evidence of 

a vast amount of time spent in the occupation. Herodotus un- 
doubtedly visited Babylon, Ardericca near Susa, the remoter 
parts of Egypt, Scythia, Colchis, Thrace, Gyrene, zante, 
Dodona, and Magna Graecia — thus covering in his travels a 
space of thirty-one degrees of longitude (above 1700 miles) 
east to west, and twenty-four of latitude (1660 miles) north 

learned the method of describing similar practices when they 
included them in their own works. Later writers may, also, 
have borrowed directly from Herodotus some of the marvels he 
mentions; but the authors of the voyage imaginaire seldom in- 
dulge in such flights of fancy except when, as did Lucian, 
they turn to satire. 

tfrom the point of view of this study the most important 
practice of Herodotus is his effort to gain verisimilitude. 
Herodotus well knew that much of what he told would be 
sceptically received by his ureek countrymen; and so, like a 
true artist seeking a willing" suspension of disbelief on the 
part of his readers, he aimed to give his work an appearance 
of verisimilitude. His method was simple; yet with an un- 
sophisticated people it doubtless was effective. It is not 
wholly ineffective to-day. The practice consists chiefly in 
a reiteration on one form or another of the phrase "I myself 
saw". "Of my own knowledge I can testify to this", he says; 
or, "What I have here mentioned I saw with my own eyes"."*"^ 
But Herodotus was too clever a v/riter to rely wholly upon this 

to south. Within these limits his knowledge is for the 
most part close and accurate. He has not merely paid a 
hasty visit to the countries, but has examined them 
leisurely, and is familiar with their scenery, their cities 
small and large, their various wonders, their temples and 
other buildings, and with the manners and customs of their 
inhabitants. The fulness and minuteness of his informa- 
tion is even more remarkable than its wide range, though 
it has attracted less attention." ( Ouoted from reprint in 
Everyman Edition of the True History , pp. ix -x.) 
10. Herodotus, True His tory , translated by George Hawlinson, 
IV, 33, and III, IE. (The Roman numerals refer to the 
Book; the Arabic to the paragraph or chapter.) For other 
examples see: IV, 15 and II, 27. 


rather transparent method; and when the strain on the reader's 
credulity became greater, he shifted the responsibility for the 
truth on the shoulders of a third party. He writes, for 
example, "That these were the real facts I learnt at l.iemphis 
from the priest of Vulcan"; and again, "In all this I only re- 
peat what is said by the Libyans" . 11 At times, also, Herodotus 
even protests his limitations, thereby adding weight to his 
bare word. He tells that "though I have taken vast pains, I 
have never been able to prain an assurance from an eye -witness 
that there is any sea on the further side of Europe"; or "As 

far as the Atlantes the names of the nations inhabiting the sandy 


ridge are known to me; but beyond them my knowledge fails". 
For greater effectiveness, also, he occasionally seasons the 
narrative with his own doubt. He rays, for instance, "I think, 
but I speak only from conjecture" , or "I do not believe this 
tale, but it is told nevertheless". 13 Such constant assurance 
of personal knowledge, of personal belief, and of personal doubt 
has its desired effect. The story seems true. Only when our 
more extensive modern learning is critically applied to its state- 
ments is the probability of the True History questioned. 

Herodotus' information concerning the nations he visited 
may be both full and minute, as Mr. Rawlins on suggests; 14 but 
while the variety of it may at times be amazing, the paucity of 

11. II, 3 and IV, 187. See also I, 83 and II, 99. 

12. Ill, 115 and IV, 185. 

13. IV, 88 and IV, 5. Other examples of the mathod may be found 

in I, 105; II, 55 and 123; III, 50 and 80; IV, 16 and 86; 
V, 72; VI, 47; VII, 60, 152, and 185; VIII, 8. 

14. See Note 9 above. 


detail is more often disappointing. When, for example, Herodotus 

narrates the origins of certain peoples, he is interested only 

in accounting for existing alliances; and so he is content with 


naming the parent stock or colony. Forms of government, 
legal practices, and political institutions also receive hut 
"brief mention. 16 And his geographical data are often unreliable; 
in fact, only once is he both explicit and exact, the geography 
of Scythia being so minutely detailed that to-day the rivers 
mentioned in the account may be identified with those in the 

1 7 

region. He is, however, as one would expect of an historian, 
more circumstantial in his descriptions of the methods of war. 
When he enumerates the units of the Persian host assembled by 
Xerxes, he gives a stupefying catalog of dress and equipment .-^ 
At other times, as in his treatment of the Scythians, he explains 
in detail various warlike practices; 1 ^ or when he speaks of the 
Athenians, he tells how they order their battle line. But in 
general Herodotus is content to mention the detail and pass on; 
in no case is the development of a length great enough to have 
afforded more than a hint to later writers. 

The descriptions of home life, of social customs, of 
religious and other practices are frequently longer, and are to 
us perhaps of more importance, not because they constitute the 
original source from which all later authors drew but because they 
may have suggested to those who later described real or imaginary 

15. See 1, 56; and 173; IV, 5 and 8 - 14; WT, 61, 62, 73, 75, — 

and 91. 

16. For governmental forms see VI, 56 - 57; IV, 106; and V, 3. 

For legal practice see I, 157 and IV, 69. For political 
institutions see III, 20; VI, 59; and VIII, 8. 

17. IV, 47-59. 

18. VII, 62 - 85. 

19. IV. 64 -65. 

states the inclusion of such details in their work. Food, dress, 
and shelter are seldom mentioned, and only in a few instances 
are they fully described. He says that the Egyptians eat corn, 
salted flesh, lotos, and another species of the "lily 


which prows in the river and resembles the rose"*, or 

he tells how the Agrippeans prepare aschy from the "fruit of a 


certain tree, the name of which is Ponticum". But in most 

cases he merely names the food, or cites such an unusual practice 


as that of the Budini who eat lice. Other than the passage 

concerning arms and armor dress is mentioned in only two places 

and then briefly, 23 And shelter is fully described but twice. 24 

Marriage is the one social custom which appears to have 

interested Herodotus; but he seldom develops even that topic 

unless complicated regulations, such as those of the Cnidians, 2 ^ 

force him to do so. It should, however, be noted that he records 

communistic practices as existing among three nations. The 

Auseans, he says, "dwell together like gregarious beasts", and 

every three months their assembly assigns the grown children "to 


those whom they most resemble". The Liassagetae, in some un- 
explained way, combine communism and monogamy; for while "each 


has but one wife, yet all the wives are held in common". Gom- 

20. II, 77 and 92. 

21. IV, 213. 

22. VI, 109. For other references to food see: I, 216; IV, 172 

and 174; and VI, 84. 

23. Ill, 98 and V, 6. 

24. IV, 191 and V, 16. For other references to shelter see: IV, 

23 and 108. 

25. I 173. 

26! IV, 180; see also IV, 23. 

27. I, 216. For other references to marriage practice see: I, 136 
and 196; IV, 117, 118, 172, 176; and V, 6. 

raunism of women is also practiced by the Agathyrsi It is, 
however, unlikely that the authors of the voyage imaginaire 
borrowed these details of communism from Herodotus. 7/ith the 
exception of Campanella they do not extend the theory to include 
women hut confine it to property; besides, a better source was 
more readily at hand in Plato's Republic which held up communism 
as an ideal. The treatment of other social customs is even more 
slight than that of marriage. Only in the description of the 
Persians does he discuss education, and then merely to tell 


that the children remain with the women until the fifth year. 

More unusual practices, also, are only mentioned, such as that 


the Maxyans ' shaving one side of the head, or that of the 


Scythians' blinding their slaves. 

Since religion was an intimate duty of the individual 
in the ancient world, Herodotus makes frequent mention of it. 
Sometimes he does nothing more than name the gods; 32 at others 
he tells of some peculiar religious rite, or explains a practice, 
such as that of divination or soothsaying. 33 Only in the de- 
scription of Persia, however, does he devote any considerable 
space to the topic. 34 Similarly the burial ceremonies of the 
various nations are quickly passed over, those of the Spartans, 

Egyptians, and Scythians alone receiving circumstantial de- 


28. IV, 104. 

29. I, 136. 

30. 17, 191. 

31. IV, 2. For other customs see: I, 133, 134, 136, and 138. 

32. I, 216; IV, 62; V, 7. 

33. I, 74; III, 8; IV, 67, 68, 70, 172. 

34. I, 131 and 132. 

35. VI, 58; II. 78 and 85ff; IV, 71 and 72. See also I, 140; 

III, 24; IV, 26 and 190; V, 4 and 8. 


The treat mont of other customs is oven more cursory. 

Bathing is mentioned three times and the Persians appear to 


he the only people who take any sanitary precautions, while 
medical practice is not noticed except in the descriptions of 
Bgypt and Persia. 00 Commercial relations also are slighted, 
Herodotus simply telling that the Persians have no markets; 
that in Sparta the trades of herald, flute-player, and cook are 
hereditary; and that the Egyptian men labor at the loom while 
the women carry on trade. ^ 9 liven the stranger beliefs, such 
as the loup - garou superstitions of the Eeurians, are also passed 
over briefly. 40 

A more interesting and more influential portion of the 
True History is that which deals with the marvellous. Sometimes 
the wonders are artificial creations, such as the canal dug by 
the Cnidians 43 " or the irrigation system of central Asia; 42 
again they are artistic productions, such as the golden vine and 
plane tree presented to Darius. Natural wonders are, however, 
more common. Geological marvels are presented in disappearing 
streams 44 and fountains which are coolest at midday, 45 and 
meteorological phenomena by the rainless winters of Scythia. 4 ° 

36. iv, 73; IV, 75; IX, 110. 

37. I, 139. 

38. II, 84; I, 197. 

39. I, 153; VI, 60; II, 35. See also I, 94 and IV, 74. 

40. See I, 94; IV, 2, 76, 105; and V, 6. 

41. I, 74. 

42. Ill, 117. See also III, 18 and 23, and IV, 186. 

43. VII, 27. See also IV, 81. 

44. VI, 76 and VII, 30. These marvels, as are all the others, 

are accepted at Herodotus' own evaluation. Such sinking 
streams are now known to be fairly common in regions 
underlaid by limestone. 

45. IV, 181. See also VI, 74. 

46. IV, 28 - 30. "The character of the winter", he says, "is 

unlike that of the same season in any other country." 
(IV, 28). See also II, 22 and 142; 111,104; IV, 7 and 31. 


There are, too, strange races of men — the goat-footed people 
of the Caucasus, the nation in northern Europe which sleeps 
one half of the year, and the one-eyed Arismapi. 47 But hiB 
aninals are more curious than any of these. There are the 
Garantian oxen which graze backward because of their huge horns, 

horned asses, wild asses which do not drink, gold-minin^ ants, 


go Id -guarding griffins, and the strange serpents of Arabia. 

From this summary of the 'I. 1 rue History of Herodotus three 
things are clear. First, Herodotus seeks to gain the reader's 
belief by the simple method of direct testimony, being content 
to say that he has seen or that someone has told him — a method 
not essentially different from that of many later authors. 
Second, his descriptions of manners, morals, customs, national 
origins, geography, methods of war, and government are too 
brief to have afforded more than a suggestion to later writers, 
and are in many cases not of the sort later used in narrations 
of imaginary countries. Third, the wonders mentioned by 
Herodotus are of the kind which later writers of travel books 
regularly described; and many of them may have been taken over 
directly and without material change, as the gold-mining ants 
of India or the creatures with eyes in their breasts, while 
others descended indirectly through various kinds of narrative 
that were indebted to Herodotus. These wonders, moreover, are 
the part of the True His tory _ which was most likely to have ap- 
pealed to medieval and renaissance min^ls excited by the current 

47. Ill, 116; IV, 13 and 25. See also I, 202; II, 33ff; IV, 13, 

23 32 43* VII 70. 

48. IV, 183; IV, 191 and 192; III, 102; IV, 13; III, 107, 109, 

110. See also II, 73, 75, 93; III, 103 and 113; IV, 111; 
V, 9; VII, 126. 


tales of the Orient and by the then recent discoveries of Colum- 


bus and other explorers. To the marvellous in his work, then, 
and also to his method of direct testimony as a means of paining 
verisimilitude Herodotus owes what influence he may have had 
upon the voyage iroaginaire . 


A true instance of the voyage imaginaire is Lucian's 
yerae Historiae . It was intended to "be a satire upon the works 
of Herodotus, Ctesias, Antonius Diorenes, and Iamblichus , ^ and 
as such indulged in the wildest extravaganza. Unlike Herodotus, 
Lucian purports to have no aim other than the description of 
the countries he visited and the narration of his adventures 
by the way; but like Herodotus, he paints with rapidity and 
with a superficiality of detail. For his desire was not accuracy 
or consistency. It was satire through exaggeration and improba- 

This design, however, did not prevent him giving a kind 

of vrai semblance to his fantastic world. The circumstantiality 

of his opening, for instance, is almost modern. "The motive 

and purpose of my journey", he writes, "lay in a desire for 

adventure, and in my wish to find out what the end of the ocean 


was, and who the people were who lived on the other side". 

49. The likelihood of this influence is increased by the fact 

that the True History was first printed in 1502 by the 
Aldine Press, Venice. 

50. These works, with the exception of the first, are now lost. 

See Note 1 above. 

51. Lucian, Verae Historiae , translation and text by A. M. 

Harmon, 1913. I, 253". (Roman numerals refer to the Book; 
Arabic to the page in Harmon's translation.) 


The preparation, too, is detailed with a realism that would do 

credit to Defoe. After the embarkation there followed a 

storm, which lastod for seventy-nine days and drove the ship 

far off the course. '.Vith the return of calm the expedition 

landed, and having divided, twenty proceeded inland while thirty 


remained behind to guard the ships. Here again the narrative 

is strictly realistic. But attempts at verisimilitude are not 

confined to the opening pages. When the crew passes from the 

Moon to Lamptown, the log is kept circumstantially even to the 

details of procuring water, of unfavorable winds, and of lapse 

of time. Other methods are also employed to gain credence 
on the reader's part. Having rendered service to 'ndymion, the 
author is naturally rewarded with presents; the demand to see 
them is, however, forestalled by the naive, yet likely, explana- 
tion that they were left behind * T in the whale". 56 Likewise a 

new poem given to him by Homer in the Isle of the Blest was 


lost "along with everything else". Finally there is a delicious 

52. I, 253. "I put on board a good store of provisions, stowed 
water enough, enlisted in the venture fifty of my acquaint- 
ances who were like-minded with myself, got together also a 
great quantity of arms, shipped the best sailing-master to be 
had at a big inducement, and put my boat she was a pinnace- 
in trim for a long and difficult voyage." 

53. I, 253 - 254. Note the similarity to later descriptions. "For 
a day and a night we sailed before the wind without making 
any offing, as land was still dimly in sight; but at sunrise 
on the second day the wind freshened, the sea rose, darkness 
came on, and before we knew it we could no longer even get 
our canvas in. Committing ourselves to the gale and giving 
up, we drove for seventy-nine days." 

54. I, 255. 

55. I, 281. 

56. Same, for an explanation of the reference to the whale see 
pg. 3 / , this ch. 

57. II, 327. 


bit of Herodotean testimony: "Anyone who does not believe this 
is so, will find, if ho ever gets there himself, that I am tell- 
ing the truth. " 5 ^ 

The great significance of Lucian's book lies, however, in 
the wonders of which he tells. So numerous are they that com- 
plete citation is impossible here; only the more striking will, 
therefore, be discussed. At his first landing he found a river 
of wine, in which were fish that tasted like wine, and that in- 
toxicated those who ate of them in excess. There, also, grew 
a wondrous vine, the upper parts of which were shaped like 
women; when his companions kissed these vegetable females, they 
immediately became drunk; when they embraced them, they were 
unable to detach themselves, "but became vines also".^ 9 Soon 
after they had left this island, the ship was carried up into 
the air and the travellers entered the moon country where 
Endymion greeted them. The huge ants of Herodotus were now 
dwarfed by vultures with three heads and quills larger than 
shipmasts,^ by gigantic grasshoppers , 6 ^ by fleas each "as large 
as twenty elephants", by ants two hundred feet long, and 
by spiders "far larger than the Cyclades Islands*'. 63 These 
beasts serve as mounts for an army which is drawn not only from 
the Moon, but from Ursa Major and the Dog Star as well. The 
troops include the millet-shooters, 64 garlic-fighters, 64 "sky- 

58. I, 281. 

59. I, 255 - 256. 

60. I, 261. 

61. I, 263. 

62. I, 265. 

63. I, 265 - 266. 

64. I, 263. 

dancerB -- a sort of light infantry" who sling radishes, 6 ^ 

volplaneurs "who rise into the air by inflating their tunics), 6 *' 

sky-mosquitoes, cloud-centaurs (as large as the Colossus of 

Rhodes), 67 and also the stalk-mushrooms and the puppycorns . 67 

This force was directed by the donkeys, who acted as trumpeters. 6 ^ 

Its purpose was to assail the army of Phaeton who was disputing 

lunar colonization of the Day Star. "They all had the same 

equipment — helmets of beans (their beans are large and tough); 

scale corselets of lupines (they sew the skins of lupines to 

make the corselets, and in that country the skin of the lupine 

is unbreakable, like horn)". 69 

Other strange thinps beside the army are found in the 

Moon. No women exist there; up to the ajre of twenty-three each 


person is a wife, and after that a husband. Children are 
carried not in the womb, but in the calf of the leg; they are 
born inanimate and quickened by beiner set in the wind with 
their mouths open. This is not the only race of Moon-people. 
The "arboreals" grow on trees which spring from the right genital 
gland planted in the ground. In general features, however, the 
two races do not differ; they take nourishment by snuffing up 
the smoke of flying frogs roasted on coals; they drink air; they 
are hairless, except for a beard above the knees; they have 
tails like cabbage leaves; they sweat milk; their noses run 
honey; their bellies are lined with hair, and since they can be 

65. I, E65. 

66. I, 267. 

67. I, 271. 

68. I, 269. 

69. I, 265. 

70. I. 275. 

be opened and shut, afford a refuge to the young; their eyes 

are removable, and bo may be lent or purchased as need be. 

The "arboreals" have ears of wood; the other ones of plane 

leaves. The garments of the rioh are of malleable glass; 
those of the poor of bronze. Death comes by dissolution into 

7 ? 

smoke . 

Departing from the moon, Lucian next made a brief halt 

at Lamptown, where all night the judge sits summoning lamps by 

name; failure to respond is punished by extinguishment. Here 

7 ^ 

Lucian recognized his own lamp and talked with it of home. 
After the departure from Lamptown the crew saw "toward sunrise... 
a number of sea-monsters, whales". The largest, a one hundred 
and fifty foot beast, swallowed them, ship and all. "In the 
middle (of his stomach) there was land with hills on it, which 
was formed of the mud that he had swallowed". The coast line 
of this island was twenty-seven miles in length; abundant vege- 
tation grew upon it, and kingfishers and gulls perched in the 
trees. On it lived a man and a boy swallowed twenty-seven years 
before. They shared the island with the eel-eyed, lobster- 
faced Broilers; the Margoats, men above and catfish below; the 
Godsheads; the Crabclaws; and the Glan-crav,'f ish . Joining with 
the two men, the Greeks routed the others, their swords proving 
more effective weapons t^.an fishbones. For some time the crew 
remained in this prison, bathing and catching fish in the 
whale's gills; but after several futile attempts an escape was 

71. I, 275. 

72. I, 277. 

73. I, 281. 

finally effected by shoring open the animal's jaws and killing 
him by firing the forest on the island. 74 

Before this eeoape was made, however, the Greeks witnessed 
an incredible sight. One day a great commotion was heard in the 
sea. Looking forth from the whale's mouth they saw in prorress 
a sea-fight between some hundreds of floating islands manned 
by gigantic men. Each 'galley' was steered by a bronze tiller, 
and impelled forward by cypress trees used as oars. The fight- 
ing men stood at the bow. After the battle, which was much like 
a Greek naval combat, the victorious side anchored over niprht 
alongside the whale and departed in the morning. 75 

After the crew escaped from the whale, adventures came 
thick and fast. They were frozen in the ice; 76 they sailed 
through a sea of milk and landed on an island of cheese; 77 they 

passed the cork-footed folk who walk on the sea; 78 and finally 


they came to the Isle of the Blest where A a sweet breeze "like 

the one that, on the word of Herodotus the historian, breathes 


perfume on Araby the blest". Later they saw on the Island of 
the Wicked the River of Fire in which swim two kinds of fish -- 
those like live coals and those like torches. They also 

visited the Isle of Dreams ; 8 ^ escaped the Pumpkin Pirates, 
the Dolphin-riders, 8 ^ and the Ass-legs; 84 collided with a 

285 - 297. 

297 - 303. cf. Herodotus, II, 156 
I, 305. 
I, 307. 
1, 307 - 309. 

:i, 309. cf. Herodotus, III, 113. 

I, 335. 

:i, 337 - 341. 

:i, 343. 

il, 345. 

:i, 353. 



mammoth kingf ishor 1 s nest; saw the Bull-heads, a horned 

people with their hindlegs grown together ; 96 and crossed the 

floating forest. Here the account ends, with a promise of a 

cont inuation. 

All this shows a powerful fancy and a keen senne for the 
ridiculous. But the humor is of a broad sort in order to pive 
preater force to the satire which is directed entirely against 


those who produced the so-called true histories. A more 
significant satire from an historical point of view occurs in 
the narrative of the visit to the Island of the Blest. There 
Lucian engaged Homer in a conversation, and asked him: "Where 
do you come from? This point in particular is being investigated 
even yet at home". Homer replied that he was by birth a Baby- 
lonian, by name Tigranes, and that being sent into Greece as 
a hostage ( homeros ) he took the name of Homer. He also claimed 
as his own the bracketed lines of the Iliad , and said that he 


began with Achilles' wrath because it came first into his mind. 
Whereupon Lucian remarks that "Zenodotus and Aristarchus are 
guilty of pedantry in the hiphest degree". Plato was not in 
the island; he was "living in his imaginary city under the con- 
stitution and laws he himself wrote". Neither were any of the 
Stoics there; "they were said to be still on the way up the 
steep hill of virtue". The Academicians, likewise, failed to 

Wb. II , 345. 

86. II, 351. 

87. II, 347 - 349. 

88. This, remarks a disgruntled Greek scribe, writing in the 

margin of the Ms., is the biggest lie of all. See Harmon's 
translation, pg. 357. 

89. It is impossible in a study of this sort to point out every 

detail of Herodotus and his fellows which Lucian satirises. 
The notes to any good edition will suggest most of them. 

90. II. 323 - 325. 


arrive, being unable to reach a conclusion . 51 In the Island 

of the Wicked 'the severest punishment of all fell to those 

who told lies and those who had written what was not true 

among whom were Ctesias of Cnidos, Herodotus, and many others". 

And Lucian adds, with a malicious grin, "On seeing them, I had 

good hopes for the future, for I have never told a lie that I 

know of". 

The work of Herodotus, as has been pointed out, lacked 
the primary characteristic and most of the other qualities which 
distinguish the voyage imaginaire from other types of prose 
fiction; Lucian, on the other hand, has all of them. In the 
former there was no imaginary voyage and no fictitious country; 
and the only element of the voyage imaginaire was the description 
of the marvellous. In the latter, however, there is the imaginary 
journey into obviously fictitous lands; there is fantastic ad- 
venture; and there is ulterior purpose. In fact, with Lucian 
begins the kind of voyage imaginaire which reached its fullest 
development in the satirical narratives of Cyrano de Bergerac, 
Swift, and Holberg. The story does, of course, lack all ap- 
pearance of probability; but this is due in part to the satirical 
aim. Moreover, Lucian boldly proclaims at the start that he 


A third type of classic literature which contributed to 
the development of the imaginary voyage is that of the ideal 
state as seen in Plato's Republic , Tiraaeus, and Critias , and 

91. II, 321. 

92. II, 327. 


in Plutarch's Life of Lyourgus . These are not, of course, 
imaginary voyages. They, like all Utopias, aim to describe 
perfect forms of government; but unlike the works of .ore, 
Campanella, and Bacon, they tell of no imaginary voyage to a 
supposed land. And the state, if it has any geographical loca- 
tion, is a real nation, as in Plutarch, not a fictitious one, 
as in More. But had Plato and Plutarch never written, the 
character of the voyage imaginaire literature would to-day be 
less rich and varied. 

Plato's Republic is usually considered the earliest of 
these descriptions of ideal states; but a forerunner of the 
great philosopher in this field was Hippodamus of Ililetus whose 

work is now lost, except as it is preserved in summary by 

Aristotle. His state consists of ten thousand souls who are 
divided into three classes: artisans, husbandmen, and soldiers. 
Each of these divisions has allotted to it a portion of land, 
that of the warriors being known as the public domain. The laws 
cover three offences: assault, trespass, and murder. All 
verdicts on legal disputes are rendered in writing by the citizens 
Any one discovering anything of value to the state is suitably 
rewarded. The magistrates, who are chosen by popular vote, 
supervise the public lands, and have under their advisement the 
~ i are of strangers and of those children whose parents have been 
slain in war, such orphans being reared at public expense. The 
book had seemingly little influence on later literature; for it 
was not known in the original, and Plato would, naturally, have 

93. Aristotle, Politics , Book II, chapter 8. 


far overshadowed Hippodamus in importance. 

In the Republic Socrates and his companions made an effort 
to define justice, in the course of which they diverged into 
an attempt to find out how justice might be obtained or attained. 
The result was the outlining of an ideal state. So well known 
is the dialog that no extended summary is necessary here. Suf- 
fice it, then, to say that the main provisions call for a strongly 
centralized government in which every individual interest is 
completely subordinated to that of the state, which, in turn, 
has absolute control over the amount and kind of work assigned 
to each member. There is community of goods. There is no 
marriage in the modern legal sense and no home life, except a- 
mong the artisans. Pood is served at common tables. Education 
is rigorously designed to ingrain into the citizens the virtues 
of endurance, bravery, truthfulness, and loyalty to the state 
and to its interests. The entire aim of Plato's republic is 
austere efficiency and nothing else. 

In any consideration of the Republic one must, however, 

bear firmly in mind the fact that it differs essentially from 

later utopias, such as More's and Vairasse's. These latter 

have, or are imagined as having, a spacial and temporal existence. 

Plato f s state has not. "The Platonic state", says Voigt, "is 

symbolic of the human soul".^ The Republic , as he further 

"§4T Voigt, Andreas, Soziale Utopien , pg. 54: T Der Platonischer 
Staat ist ein Anbild der menschlichen Seele * • Mr. William 
Temple, Plato and Christianity , 1916, also confirms this 
view. He says, pg. 32: 'The true criterion of a Constitution 
is to be found by asking what training for eternity it af- 
fords'; on pg. 37: 'The ideal State is that which is at once 
the expression and the seed-plot of beautiful characters, 
and is, moreover, the best school for eternity'; on pg. 37- 
38: 'No doubt by the end of Book IX this has become a city ir 
Heaven, which he despairs of realising completely upon earth'. 



points out, is based upon the assumption, common in Oreek 

philosophy, that a wise man is a good man and a just man; and 

that unhesitating submission to such a one on the part of the 

less perfect will bring about ideal conditions. With Plato 

the regulation of the individual life, and hence of the individual 

soul, is the first requisite for right living. And so his 

Republic becomes not so much an effort to create a perfect state 

in a temporal sense as one to show the way to correct living* 

Its importance is not, however, to be minimized by this fact. 

Later utopists did turn to it for inspiration. More and Campanell!i 

specifically mention Plato in their works; and individual details 

are continually borrowed by one or othe other of his successors, 

notably those of communism, education, and partition of labor. 

Finally, this same desire to depict a perfect state is the 

starting point of every later Utopia, no matter how far it may 

depart in other respects from the original pattern. 

The Timaeus ^6 and Gritias , accepted as forming with the 

Republic a trilogy, are generally considered as Plato's attempt 

to depict his ideal state in operation; but unfortunately the 

second of these dialogs is unfinished. The subject of both is 

the fabled state of Atlantis which once lay beyond the Pillars 

of Hercules but which long ago was sunk by a cataclysm of nature 


into the depths of the Atlantic. Timaeus tells of the orierin 
of the universe, the rise of the physical features of the earth, 

95. Yoigt, Same, pg. 27. 

96. The Timaeus is commonly regarded as being the most infltiential 

of the Platonic dialogs during the Middle Ages; but as has 
been pointed out, the Middle Ages did not give themselves 
up to Utopian speculations, ch. I, pg. , above. 

97. See in this connection Ignatius Donnelly's interesting but 

often superficial and inaccurate book, Atlantis and the 
Antediluvian World , Harpers, 1882. 


and the creation of living things. Next Critias describes the 
state of Atlantis a powerful kingdom favored by Neptune 
because hie blood ran in the veins of its inhabitants, and a 
fair land far advanced in the arts of civilization. But before 
any intimate knowledge of its political organization is gained, 
the fragment ends. The first of these dialogs is not really 
concerned with the literature of the imaginary state exce-pt 
as it stands between the Republic and the Oritias in the Triloery; 
and there is no apparent trace of its influence on the voyage 
imaginaire . The second comes closer to the type, but is so 
brief as to be nothing more than suggestive of "a land flowing 
with milk and honey''. 

Plutarch's Life of Lycurgus is more definite. It is a 
minute and circumstantial account of the system of administration 
and the habits of life in the Spartan state. The usual details 
are there — the commons, the severe simplicity, the Stoic self- 
restraint; but there are also more intimate details, which are 
missing from the Republic , such as the indulgences allowed to 
eat in private, the manner of choosing wives, the provisions 
for checking accumulation of wealth, and the patriotic pride 
and confidence in the system. In general, however, the Life 
of Lycurgus is more concerned with the practical details of 
human life and less with purely philosophic speculation than is 
the Republic . And the same trait is noticeable in many later 
Utopias. Whether it is a result of influence from Plutarch 

or a spontaneous outgrowth cannot be determined; 98 but certain 

98l I am inclined to believe the latter. More, the Lord 

Chancellor, writes more after the fashion of Plutarch than 
does either Bacon, Campanella, or Andrea who are all, 
especially the latter two, almost Platonic in their re- 
moteness from the practical. 


it is that It did not come from Plato. 

The voyage imaginai re , then, "borrowed its basic character- 
istics from classic literature. From Herodotur it took a 
narrative which mentioned marvels, but which dealt primarily 
with customs, manners, and habits, although all of these were 
only means to a further end of history. From Lucian came items 
of greater import. By him the marvellous was employed for its 
own sake; it was not an external feature of the narrative, it 
was the very life of the story. Without it there was no tale 
to tell. Finally from another and an entirely different sort 
of literature the voyage drew the conception of the imaginary 
state, a center about which much of the voyage literature col- 
lects, and an end which frequently overshadows the voyage as 

Before passing on to the medieval voyage imaginaire , it 

is here necessary to turn backward and glance briefly at a work 

which antedates even the earliest of the Greek works examined 


the holy state described in Ezekiel, XL - XLVIII. The account 
opens with a long and very exact description of the details 
and dimensions of the city and temple. The state is to he 
called "the Lord shall he there". As this name implies its 
citizens are circumsized in heart and in flesh; they "sin only 
unawares". Consequently there is no punishment other than 
ecclesiastical penance, the priests being the only rulers. The 
inhabitants of this fair land are, of course, Hebrews; but those 
of other nations who bring forth children there shall also be 
accounted citizens. As Professor Baldwin points out" 1 *^ this 
99^ Written in the 6th century B. G. 

100. Baldwin, E. C, Ezekiel's Holy State and Plato 's Republic , 
in Biblical World , vol. XLIT pp. 36F"^ 

imaginary state shows, aside from the fact that one is relig- 
ious and the other philosophic, a marked parallelism with 
Plato's Republic . Both authors believe in the growth of the 
citizens toward the god-like. Both lay out broad lines of 
progress. Both emphasize morality. Both aim at a knowledge 
of "/Od through right understanding. "Each distrusted the efficacy 
of external law as a means of social betterment; and each sub- 
stituted a moral principle to be written in 

the fleshly tablets of the heart of each loyal citizen." Professor 
Baldwin also sees a marked direct influence of Ezekiel among the 
Puritans at the time of the Commonwealth; but there is little, if 
any, evidence to show that it had any particular effect upon the 
authors of Utopias. 


From A. D. 200, the approximate date of Lucian's Verae 
Historiae , to that of the next book with which this study 
has to deal is a long period; but the intervening time seems 
not to have been productive of either type of the voyage 
imaginaire . The opinions of von Mohl and Voigt as to the non- 
appearance of Utopias during the Middle Ages have already been 

cited. The same factors which were hostile to the utopia, 
were, doubtless, also instrumental in suppressing other varieties. 
For the barbarian invasions must have operated as strongly a- 
gainst literary and philosophic culture as against political; 
while the church in an effort to turn men's minds to God frowned 

101. Hai Ebn Yokdhan , cir. 1198. English translation from the 

original Arabic by Simon Ockley, 1708. See next para- 
graph for discussion. 

102. See ch. 1, pg. 11, this study. 


fiercely upon all literature purely esthetic in character . It 
is true that Benjamin, a Jew of Tudela, described China in the 
twelfth century, and that Ilarco Polo, a Venetian, did likewise 
in the next; 1 ^ 4 hut these were actual travellers; and conse- 
quently although their hooks may contain many "marvellous and 
romantic" adventures, they fall outside the province of this 

About 1198, however, there appeared in Spain the Hai Ebn 


Yokdhan written in Arabic by Abu Jaafar Ebn Tophail. The 
story tells that a proud and haughty Arabic prince ruled over an 
island near unto the equator. He had an only and very beautiful 
sister whom he guarded closely in a tower lest she should con- 
tract an alliance unworthy of her blood. She had, however, 
secretly married one of her suitors; and from this union was 
born a son, Hai Ebn Yokdhan. Fearing her brother's wrath, the 
lady conveyed the child by nio-ht to the sea-shore where she en- 
closed him in a chest, already prepared, and committed him to 
the mercy of the waves. Fate, however, had smiled upon his 
birth and so the waters bore him to a desert island where, the 
tide happening to rise higher than usual, the chest was safely 
deposited upon a grassy knoll. fthen the child awoke, his cries 
attracted a roe that had lost her fawn. She approached, broke 
open the casket, and adopted the child. This is the first 

103. liven Mandeville had to secure, or pretend to secure, the 

Pope's approval of his book. See Llandeville, chp. 31. 
Of, also, the appropriation of the Arthurian legend. 

104. Dunlop, History of Prose Fiction , third edition, pg. 390. 

Polo's lis. was written in French, and circulated about 

1298; see Wright, Bonn Library Edition, Introduction, 
pp. xxi - xxvii. 

105. Called also Abu Bakr Ibn Tufail, and more commonly Ebn 


theory of the horo's birth. 

A second maintains that Hai Ebn Yokdhan was not of human 
birth, but the product of spontaneous generation excited in the 
mud of the island by the fertilising rays of the tropical sun, 
and after this "birth" adopted by the roe. 

From this point on the stories agree. When the boy 
reached an age to observe, i. e., about seven, he rioter! that he 
alone of all the animals on tho island had no natural defences 
either against the weather or against his enemies. A branch 
stripped of its twigs remedied the latter defect. The former 
he at first suppled with leaves; but as they continually wore 
out, he sought a more permanent and more satisfactory solution 
to the problem. This he found in the skin and feathers of a 
dead eagle which he discovered by chance. The next mystery 
he was called upon to unravel was that of death. He had noted 
that all animals avoided the dead of their species, and concluded 
therefrom that the dead were different from the living. So when 
the roe, his foster-mother died, he sought the cause of her 
dying. His first decision was that death is an obstruction of 
the bodily functions, but after experiment he concluded that 
such obstruction did not lie in the channels of sense. Remember- 
ing, at this point, that when he fought with animals his breast 
was the part he defended most stoutly, he thourht that the vital 
spark must reside there. To prove his theory, he cut open the 
body of the roe as best he could with sharp stones and splinters 
of wood. After examining various organs he pitched on the heart 
as being that one which he sought because it was further pro- 


tected by the tough perioardium. The left ventricle he found 
full of blood; but from former observation of his ov/n wounds 
he knew that this was not the spirit he hunted. The right 
ventricle contained nothing. He concluded, therefore, that 
it had been the seat of that which he wished to find, and that 
this thing had fled, and that its departure brought a resultant 
change of state in the body. In order to clinch his belief he 
caught a deer and vivisected it. In the right ventricle he 
found a warm "vapor". 7/hen he stuck his finger into the cavity, 
the vapor disappeared and the deer died. This, then, he ac- 
cepted as being the life-giving spirit. 

The hero's manner of life now became more civilized. He 
gained a knowledge of fire by seeing a blaze among the rushes 
where it had been kindled by some natural means; casting fish 
into it to try its consuming: power, he discovered cookery. Later, 
also, he domesticated various animals, such as horses, goats, 
cattle, and fowls. 

More important than those achievements, however, are his 
philosophic speculations. By observation of the physical world 
he realized that objects have extension, that body has substance 
and attributes, and that the heavens are a circle. In meta- 
physics he reached with time the conclusion that "there was a 
Being, which was not Body, nor join'd to Body, nor separated 
from it, nor within it, nor without it; because Conjunction and 
Separation, and being within anything, or without it, are all 
properties of Body, from which that Being is altogether ab- 
stracted". Later he attained to the idea of the absolute 

10 6. Ockley's English translation (1708), pp. 88 - 89. 


porfoction of God, and the conclusion that aninals and plants 

have no knowledgo of Being while the heavenly "bodies have. The 

animal spirit, he further decided, was a mean "between earth and 

water, fire and air, and the more even the temperature of this 

spirit, the more perfect its life. Finally he realized "that 

he was an Animal, endu'd with a Spirit of equal temperature, as 

all the heavenly bodies are, and that he was of a distinct 

Species from the rest of the Animals, and that he was created 

for another end, and design' d for something greater than they 
l 07 

were capable of". 

His next step in the path of knowledge was the discovery 

that man's body relates him to the beasts, his mind to God. "It 

was plain to him, that there were three sorts of actions which 

he was obliged to, viz. 1, Either those by which he resembled 

the Irrational Animals. Or, 2. Those by which he resembled the 

Heavenly Bodies. Or, 3, Those by which he resembled the 

necessarily self-existent Being; and that he was oblig'd to the 

first, as having a gross body, consisting of several Parts, and 

different Faculties, and variety of Motions. To the second , as 

having an animal Spirit, which had its seat in the Heart, and 

was the beginning of the Body and all its Faculties. To the 

third , as he was what he was, viz. as he was that Being, by which 


he knew the necessarily s&lf -existent Being". He next decided 

that his food ought to be such as would least destroy the re- 
productive power of nature; so he confined himself to those 
species of fruits, nuts, and animals which were most abundant. 

107. Ockley's English translation (1708), pp. 106 - 107. 

108. Same, pg. 109. 


He also beran to imitate the Beintr by caring for animals and 

plants as far as it lay in his -power. 

The final effort in the evolution of this philosophical 

system was the contemplation of pure being. To this end he 

suppressed the physical demands of his nature, and gradually 

grew able to hold himself for longer and longer periods in a 

trance-like state; for he learned that the corporeal interests 

of animals efface the divine essence; whereas the divine essence 


does not depend upon the body for existence. In these 

moments of transport he learned this truth: "He that has knowledge 
of this Essence (of pure Being) has the Essence itself; but I 
have knowledge of this Essence. Ergo, I have the Essence itself. 
Now this Essence can be present nowhere but with itself, and 
its very Presence is Essence, and therefore he concluded that 
he was that very Essence.""'*' 1 * Each of the heavenly spheres he 
found by further mediation has an essence which reflects that 
of the sphere next higher, and the essence of the highest sphere 
reflects the essence of the one true Being. That of this world 
has seventy thousand faces, each face seventy thousand mouths, 
and each mouth seventy thousand tongues with which to hymn the 
one true Being's praise. 

At this point the purely speculative portion of the story 
ends. The author having now completed the sketch of his philo- 
sophic system closes the book as he bepran it, with narrative. 
A Mahometan mystic, Asal by name, came to the island from a 
neighboring religious community in order that he might live 
in solitude and contemplate God. At first Hai Ebn Yokdhan 

109. Ockley, English translation, 1708, pp. Ill ff. 

110. Same, pg. 126. 

oould not comprehend what manner of being this new animal was; 
but at last they understood each other, and Asal taught him to 
read and interpret the Alkoran. Thus they together discovered 
that Hai Ebn Yokdhan's mediations conformed to the teaching of 
the Prophet, The two then went back to Asal's companions to 
tell them of the new and wonderful revelation. But the men 
were hard of heart; they believed not. Discouraged, Hai :bn 
Yokdhan returned to his island, having; decided that men were 
not yet prepared to understand the clear pronouncements of the 
divine voice, but only to meditate confusedly on the vague 
phrases of the Prophet. Asal accompanied him, and there the 
two dwelt a lonr time, contemplating the holy truths of Allah. 

What effect this book had in its own day cannot be told;**" 
for there appears to be no contemporary mention of it. Three 
things, however, probably raised a prejudice against it in 
western Europe; the author's nationality, the language in which 
it was written, and its non-Ohristian theology. The first 
discoverable translation is that into Latin by Pococke in 1671 
under the title Philosophus Autodidactus . From this in 1676 Dr. 
Ashwell made an iSnglish version, and in 1684 the Quakers had 

111. Dunlop's comment, third edition, pg. 592, is probably the 

most just. 'In this work there are, of course, many errors 
in theology and philosophy, as the former is Mohometan, 
and the latter Aristotelian. The fundamental principles 
of the work are, that without the aids of instruction we 
may attain to a knowledge of all things necessary to 
salvation, and that in this world we may arrive, by 
contemplation, at an intuition of the Deity, a refined 
and abstract species of worship scarcely enjoyed in old 
times by the greatest favorities of heaven, and of which 
no promise has been vouchsafed either in the Mosaic or 
Christian dispensation.' 


another made imap-ininr "that there was something in it that 
favoured their Enthusiastic notions" . i ' x * Not until 1708 did 
Ookley's English translation from the original Arabic appear, and 
at that tine interest in the book was philosophic rather than 
literary. There are, at least, no discoverable traces of its 
influence on the voyage imaglnaire . The book could not have 
suggested the type which deals in philosophic satire since it 
is obviously serious; besides Cyrano's Etat de la Lune preceded 
the Latin version by fifteen years as did Fontaines' Relation 
du Pays de Janserie by eleven, and both were translated into 
English before 1671. The Hal Ebn Yokdhan , then, is of snail 
importance in the history of the voyage inaginaire ; for it con- 
tains more elements of the Robinsonade than of the voyage , and 
did, moreover, not appear in modern Europe until such time 
as other writers inspired by other sources had occupied the 
possible field of its influence. 

A question may also be raised as to whether or not the 

Hai Ebn Yokdhan is a voyage imagrinaire . Dunlop classifies it 

as such; but its claim to be included in the genre is slight. 
The first part of the story does resemble that of Robinson 
Crusoe , as Dunlop says; but Robinson Crusoe is not a voyage . 
The hero, moreover, can scarcely be said to have travelled 
even if the first theory of his birth is true; and if the second 
theory be the correct one, he made no journey at all. 114 Finally, 
the island is not imaginary in the sense that Utopia and Lilliput 

112. Ockley, Preface to English translation of 1708. 

113. Dunlop, History of Prose Fiction , third edition, pg. 391. 

114. Dunlop in his summary (pg. 391) includes only the first of 

these theories. 


are, for the book is neither the description of an ideal state 

nor a satire. It is, in truth, a philosophical treatise trans- 


parently disguised as narrative. 

Over one hundred years later appeared the Vol age and 
Travail e of _Sir John Maundeville . Knight (cir. 1350). Mandeville 
is now recognized to have been a fictitious character; and the 
real author, it is agreed, was Jean de Bourgoyne, a French 
physician who died at Liege in 1372. 116 ?he book at once at- 
tained a lasting popularity. It "was translated in the fifteenth 
century into all languages of the continent, and published in 
the collection of Ramusio". 117 Halliwell records nineteen Mss. 
before 1500 in Latin, French, and English, and adds that there 
are still others. 118 He also lists ten Italian translations 
printed between 1480 and 1521. English imprints were made by 
Pynson, by Wynkyn de TTorde in 1499, by T. Este in 1568, and 
another in 158- . Hakluyt also included it in his collection 

115. Ockley, S., Preface to English translation, 1708: "The De- 

sign of the Author is to shew, how Human Capacity, un- 
assisted by External Help, may by due Application, attain 
to the knowledge of Natural Things, and so by Decrees 
find out its Dependence upon a Superior Being, the Im- 
mortality of the Soul, and all things necessary to A 

116. This is the opinion of Col. Henry Yule and Mr. E. "P. Nichol- 

son in their joint article on Mandeville in the Encyclo - 
pedia Britannica , 11th ed # and of Mr« G. F. Warner in his 
article on Mandeville in the Dictionary of National 
Biography , where he says: "In any case, FHe presumption 
is that the Liege physician's true name was de Bourgoyne, 
and that he wrote the Travels under the pseudonym of 
Mandeville ." 

117. Dunlop, third edition, pg. 390. 

118. Halliwell, J. 0., The Voiage and Travail e of Sir John 

Maundeville , Knight , Reprinted fromlHie edition of A.D. 
1725 , (first issue 1839; reprinreT"lH6T )" TnTroducTion t 
pp. vii - x. 

(1598 - 1600). Between 1612 and 1727 a dozen reprinte were 

issued; and in the nineteenth century three editions have been 

issued exclusive of that made hy G. F. Warner for the Roxburghe 

Club Publi c ations for 1889. 120 

Mandeville 's Travels , however, is not a real voyage 

lmaginaire except in the sense that the author did not actually 

visit the lands he describes. Its purpose, as the author announced 

was "to schewe... a partie of Custumes and Maneres, and dyverse 

Contrees"; in other words, he is writing a travel book. More- 
over, as the author of the 1725 reprint pointed out, he took 
"Monsters out of Pliny, Miracles out of the Legends, and strange 
stories out of what will now be called Romance s"* 1 - 22 and Mr. 

(J. P. ?/arner has since indicated the specific indebtedness of 


Mandeville to various earlier descriptions of the Orient. The 
greatest influence of the book was probably upon the works of 
those men who in the sixteenth century narrated the discoveries 
of such explorers as Cabot, Raleigh, Frobisher, and Drake; but 
at the same time Mandeville exerted on the true voyage imaginaire 
an influence not dissimilar to that of Herodotus. 

119. Halliwell, J. 0., The Voiage and Travaile of Sir John 

Maundeville . Knight , Reprinted from the edition of A. D . 
1725 , ( first issue 1859; reprinted 18^)" TnTroducTi on , 
pp. xv - xxiii. 

120. See Bibliography , below. 

121. Voiage and Travaile of Sir John Maundeville , ch. 3. Quotations 

follow Cotton Ms. 

122. Editor's Preface , reprinted in Halliwell's edition, pg.xx. 

123. V/arner, G. P., Article on Mandeville, D.N.B . , gives as sources 

a description of Asia by Friar Odoric of Pordenone (cir. 
1330) ; Hetoun, Historiae Orientis ( ) ; the works of 
John de Piano Carpini and Simon de Quentin, Papal envoys 
to the Tartars cir. 1250; and the Spe culum of Vincent de 
Beauvais (d. cir. 1264). 

Since I'andeville, like Herodotus, was dealing with lands 

but little known and is relating marvellous tales concerning them, 

he is forced to invoke testimony direct and indirect as to his 

truthfulness. And, like Herodotus, he is fond of saying "I 


6aw" . "I have seen of the Cannes with myn owne eyen", he 
assures the reader. The old trick of hearsay evidence is also 
employed. He writes: "Of Paradys ne can not I speken -oropurle: 
for I was not there. But as I have herd seye of wyse men "beyond, 
I schalle telle zou with gode wille".^ 2 ^ The argument vjas in 
his mind settled beyond all doubt when ho concluded the book 
with the story of his showing the work to the Pope and receiving 
the ecclesiastical approval for it, "And oure holy Fadir, of 
his special grace, remytted my .Soke to ben examyned and preved be 
the Avys of his seyd Conseille. Be the whiche, my Boke was preeved 
for trewe; in so moche that thei schewe me a Boke, that my Boke 
was examyned by, that comprehended fulle moche more, be an 
hundred part; be the which the I lappa Mundi was made after. And 
so my Boke (alle be it that many men ne list not to zeve credence 
to ne thing, but to that that thei seen with hire Eye, ne be the 

Auctor ne the persone never so trewe) is affirmed and preved be 


oure holy Padir, in maner and forme as I have seyd.' 

Llandeville also insists that he restrains himself, and 
does not make full use of his golden opportunities. "Troweth 
not", he says, "that I will telle zou alle the Townes and Cytees 
and Gastelles, that men schulle go by; for than scholde I make 

124. Oh. 18. Other examples may be found in ch. 2, 12, and 27. 

125. Gh. 30. Other examples may be found in ch. 2, 4, 5, 18, 20, 

and 22. 

126. Oh. 31. 

I 51 

1 ° 7 

to lonp a tale". Other testimony is also riven to show that 

there is no paucity of material. "There ben manye other dyverse 
Contrees and many other IJarveles beyonde", he writes, of which 
he cannot tell because he has not seen them; and likewise in 
realms where he boon lie "many dyversities of many v/ondir fulle 
thinges", more than he makes mention of. Not only fears of "to 
long a tale", but altruistic motives also hold him silent. "For 
zif that I devysed alle that is bezonde the See, another man 
peraunter, that wolde "peynen him to travaylle his Body for to 
go in to the Marches, for to ancerche tho Contrees, myghten ben 
blamed be my 'Tordes, in rehercynge manye straunge thinres. For 
he mighte say nothing of newe, in the whiche the hereres myghten 
have other solace or desport or lust or lykynre in the heryn^e. 
For men seyn alle weys, that newe thinges and newe tydynges ben 
plesant to here. V/herfore I wole holde me stille.""*"^ Such 
self-repression on the author's part is new in fiction; Herodotus 
and Lucian told all they knew. So while Llandeville ' s assertion 
will not convert the sceptical reader to an acceptance of the 
truth of his book, it dons mark a new departure in the effort to 
"force belief". 

Prom a modern point of view ITandeville T s narrative method 

is not beyond reproach. In the very beginning of the narrative 

his religious zeal led him into a long digression on the Gross, 


the materials of it, and the reason for their use. At times, 
also, association of names causes unwarranted violations of unity 

127. Gh. 1; other examples may be found in chps. 19, 27, and 29. 

128. Gh. 30. 

129. Ch. 2 

For example, when he describes the four rivers of Paradise, "the 

thridde Ryvere, that is clep Tigris" calls to mind "a Best, that 

is oleped Tigris, that is fast rennynge"; the narrative then 

proceeds with the "fourthe Ryvere". ^0 Examples of incoherence 

are likewise numerous, for details are jotted down as they occur 

to him. The narrative, too, is often hard to follow because 

he does not make clear his itinerary, and because he seldom gives 
the exact location of the many countries and islands which he 
describes . 

Of greater general interest, but of less historical im 
portance, than his method are the various details which Handeville 
recites for the delectation of his readers. Here again, just 

"I 'X'Z 

as in some of his efforts to gain verisimilitude, he recalls 
Herodotus. He presents the same sort of details in the same 
manner; and even if, as Mr, Warner maintains, he borrowed almost 
verbatim from other medieval travel books, the resemblance loses 
none of its historical importance. The fact that the narrative 
methods in travel literature had not changed essentially since 
classic times is thereby made only the more clear. 

130. Ch. 30. 

131. A typical example is the description of the Tartars, ch. 23. 

132. In ch. 4 he is at Jerusalem; in ch. 5 he rushes from Babylon 

to Carthage to Llesapotamia to Egypt; and in ch. 7 he is 
again in Jerusalem. See also his description of the 
course of the Nile, ch. 5; and compare with it that of the 
Danube, ch. 1. 

133. For similarity in detail between Handeville and Herodotus see: 

Handeville, ch. 30 and Herodotus, III, 102, the ^old-mining 
ante of India; M. , 26 and H. , IV, 13, the gold-guarding 
griffins; M. , 25 and H., IV, 25, the land of darkness; M., 
13 and H«, IV, 42, the shadows falling toward the right in 
Central Africa; M. , 26 and H«, III, 46 and 106, wool-bear- 
ing trees; M., 19 and H., Ill, 99, a people who eat raw 
fish; M.,19 and 30 and H., IV, 26, cannabalism; M. , 15 
and H. , IV, 90, medicinal waters; II., 14 and H. IV, 181, 
a spring that is coolest at midday. 

oocial and religious customs, unless thoy were very 

strange, seen not to have attracted Man&eville 'b attention. Thus 

dress is seldom mentioned except when he finds a people who go 

either naked or scantily clad; and the only lonp description 


of it is in his account of the Tartars. The chief passap-es 

which tell of food are, likewise, those describing the nauseat- 


irifr practice of cannabalism. Marriage customs, also, receive 

scant treatment except when he tells of the "evyll" communism 


among the inhabitants of Lamary or the curious superstition 

of another folk who believe that every virgin harbors a serpent 

in her womb. Even the pure morals of Bragman hold his at- 

tent ion for but a single sentence. And religious rites are 

only once described at length, Mandeville being content usually 


to state that a people are or are not Christians. 

These, however, are not the details by which the Voiage 

and Travaile of Sir John Maundeville attained and has kept 

favor. The element that piqued medieval and inspires modern 

interest in his narration of the wonderful. And Mandeville 's 

pages are full of the marvellous. The content of a single 

chapter will illustrate the sort of men and animals he por- 

trays. These are: giants twenty-eight to thirty feet high; 

still larger giants, forty-five to fifty feet in height, herding 
sheep as large as European oxen; women, with precious stones in 

134. See ch. 6, 9, 14, 17, 18, 30. 

135. See ch. 4, 6, 11, 17, 18, 23, £4, 29, 30. 

136. Oh. 17. The land is also held in common. See also ch. 28. 

137. Ch. 28. 

138. Same. 

139. Ch. 15. See also ch. 10, 15, 18, 19, 23. 

140. Ch. 28. For other strange animals see ch . 5, 15, 18, 19. 

For other curious men see ch. 14, 15, 18, 19, 29. May the 
Gerflaunz be the giraffe? 


their eyes, which kill by a glance; people who weep at a birth 

and laugh at a death; and a list of fauna more wonderful than 

any in Herodotus or Lucian — the spotted Gerflaunz whioh has 

a neok twenty feet long, camels whioh chanpe color ap do 

chameleons, multi-colored snakes over one hundred and twenty 

feet lory? which "crawl with legs", the elephant-slaying 

Loerauncz which has a black head surmounted by three horns, 

yellow mice as large as ravens, hugh geese with red bodies and 

black necks, heads, and breasts, and a brute with the head of 

a boar, the body of a bear, and the tail of a lion, having two 

claws on each foot. And the tale is but begun. 

The fauna of the Orient is, according to Mandeville, 

equally wonderful, although fewer examples of it are given by 

him. There are trees and herbs "whiche beren Frutes 7 tymes 

in the Zeer"; 141 clusters of grapes so large a man can scarce 

carry one; 142 and apples two feet in length growing two hundred 

in a bunch; 143 and a gourd-shaped fruit which contains within 

it a small animal perfectly formed, both the fruit and the 


animal being good to eat. -Sgypt enjoys the famous apples 
of paradise that have a cross in the center, and the strange 

apples of Adam on each of which is a mark as of a bite taken 



t 145 

out. And the Isle of Pathen produces marvellous trees, some 

of which yield honey, others wine, and still others venom. 

141. Gh. 5. 

142. Gh. 26. 

143. Ch. 26. Bananas? 

144. Ch. 26. 

145. Ch. 5. 

146. Ch. 18. The cabbage palm does furnish a sort of "wine" 

These, together with the balm trees of Egypt 147 and pepper 


vines in the Land of the Lombe, are the only ones described 

at great length. 

Other natural wonders are also to be found in his pages. 

There is the "Hille, that is elept Athos", which casts a shadow 

sevnty-six miles long and is so high that no wind blows on its 

top. Precious stones cling to the roots of the bamboos, he 

claims. Diamonds, he tells, "growen togedre male and female", 

and if they be watered with dew, they will beget children "that 


multiplyen and ?rowen alle the zeer". A bottomless lake is 


found in Pathan; while a sea of quicksand, unnavigable, but 


stocked with fish, ebbs and flows in the land of Prestre John. 

Some peculiarities of climate are also mentioned, such as the 

violent thunder storms which sweet over Tartary in the summer 


and kill many men and beasts. The intense tropical heat, 

however, interested Mandeville most. So terrific is it that 

the men in the islands adjacent to India must bind up their 

scrota or they swell and hang to their knees j 1 ^^ while in Libya 


the sea "is evermore bollynge, for the grete hete" so that 


no fish may live in its waters. 

147. Ch. 5. 

148. Ch. 15. 

149. Oh. 3. 

150. Oh. 18. 

151. Ch. 14. 

152. Ch. 18. 

153. Ch. 27. For similar details see also ch. 9, 11, 14 and 15. 

154. Ch. 11. 

155. Ch. 15. 

156. Ch. 13. Other interesting wonders are the adamantine rocks, 

ch. 15; the fosse at Akoun, ch. 4; the king's palace in 
Java, ch. 18; The Egyptian incubators, ch. 5; and the 
giant 's rib, ch. 4. 

157. In this summary of the Travels descriptions of shrines and 

holy places have been omitted as have the stories borrowed 


To these writers the authors of the voyare lnar 1 nairo 
after Mandeville are indebted for practically all of their 
fundamental ideas. T, rom Herodotus they may have pained the 
suggestion of including descriptions of manners, morals, customs, 
governments, and religions; and from him also they nay have 
borrowed some of the marvels which they tell of in their works. 
But his greatest contribution to the development of prose 
fiction was the method of gaining verisimilitude by simple asser- 
tion on the author's part or by the testimony of a third party. 
To Lucian later authors are indebted for giving to the voyage 
inaginaire a satirical character by the introduction of extrava- 
gant exaggeration. Plato's influence is, perhaps, the greatest 
and most direct of all. His Republic furnished the conception 
of an ideal state, together with such details as communism, 
partition of labor, comtempt of wealth, hatred of war, and 
universal education; and he originated the dialog form as used 
by Canpanella and Hartlib. Plutarch's Lycurgus exerted an in- 
fluence not dissimilar to that of the Republic ; but it may, in 
addition, have suggested giving to the ideal state a practical 
and local application. Mandeville displays no essential character- 
istics not found in Herodotus; but in attempting to gain veri- 
similitude he appended to his book a lengthy testimonial given 
by a reliable and historic person, which may have suggested to 
some of his successors the elaborate prefaces that they employ 

from the romances because they have no influence upon the 

development of the voyage iraaginaire . They are mentioned 

chiefly in those chapters which deal with the Holy Land. 

See ch. 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 16. 

for the same purpose. To trace the specific indebtedness 
of later authors to these men and to point out each writer' 
innovations v/ill he the aim of subsequent chapters. 


Chapter III. 


While in the centuries previous to the sixteenth Lucian 
appears to "be the only author who produced a real voyage imagln - 
aire in prose, the genre came into its own in the sixteenth 
century. In 1516 the press at Louvain struck off the first edi- 
tion of Sir Thomas Tlore's Utopia , and so popular did the took 
at once become that four reprints were issued in as many years.'* 

About the middle of the century three other descriptions of 


imaginary states appeared; and near the close was written the 
first English voyage suggestive of the fantastically improbable 
as it was later developed by Cyrano de Bergerac, Swift, and 
Holberg. Prom that date to the end of the eighteenth century 
not a decade passed without some representative of the type 
being issued either in the original or in translation. The 
voyage imaginaire had now become an accepted type in the realm 
of fiction. 

The first voyage of the new period is, as has been pointed 


out, the Utopia of Sir Thomas More. Its author was one of the 

1. See More, Thomas, in Bibliography . Morley, Ideal Common - 

wealths , pg. 7 f records a story from Erasmus to the ef - 
iect that a Dutch burgomaster committed the Utopia to 

2. See chronological list in Bibliography . 

3. See Note 2. 

4. John Dunlop, in his History of Prose Fiction, third edition, 

pg. 319, raised the question whether this book is fiction, 
and decided that it is rather a political treatise than 

r — 

Oxford Reformers and a follower after the new learning of the 
Renaissance. Educated at the Merchant Taylors' School and in 
the household of Cardinal Morton, he went, about 1492, to Oxford, 
where, according to Harpsfield, he profited "wonderfully in 
Latin and Greek", and also met Linacre; but his eminently 
practical father, disapproving of his humanistic studies, with- 
drew him from the university after a residence of two years, and 
sent him to London to read law. This change, however, did not 
entirely destroy More's connection with the growing intellectual 
development of his age; for in a period of forced retirement 
following his failure to support the Kind's grants in parliament 
he translated the works of Pico della Mirandola, the Italian 
humanist, and certain satirical dialogs from Lucian. In the mean- 
time he had also met Erasmus, Orocyn, and Golet who had founded 
St. Paul's School; and about this same period More delivered 
a series of lectures at St. haul's on St. Augustine 's , Dei Civitate . 
It is known, too, that he travelled on the continent, spending 
considerable time at Paris and at Louvain. His political for- 
tunes do not seem to have been wholly wrecked; for after rising 
to the position of Under-sheriff of London, he was sent to the 

a novel. Though much can be said in favor of this view, 
especially since the description contains practically no ad- 
venture and absolutely no love element, and since the primary 
aim of the work was political satire, something may also be 
advanced on the other side of the argument. Certainly the 
Utopia lacks no more in these respects than does the Hai Ebn 
Yokdhan which Dunlop experiences no scruples in accepting as 
prose fiction. And assuredly it is less deficient in both 
than is Harrington's Oceana (1656) which likewise is generally 
accepted as a political romance . In any case the Utopia 
since it tells of a supposed journey to a supposed land can- 
not be disregarded here. 


Netherlands as a member of the Royal Embassy. It was upon this 
journey that :iore professes to have met at the houso of Peter 
Bile 8 in Antwerp Raphael Kythloday from whom he learned the 
story of Utopia. 

The Utopia is divided into two books, the first of which 
tells of I'ore's introduction to Hythloday and reports a con- 
versation which supposedly took place at the table of Cardinal 
I.Iorton in Line-land, while the second describes the kingdom of 
Utopia, its laws and customs. Book I is an obvious attack upon 
the England of 1516. The conversation be?:an with a lawyer's 
lamenting the prevalence of robbery in spite of the wholesale 
executions for that crime. Hythloday immediately seized the 
opportunity to assert that the laws of England were wholly re- 
sponsible for the sad state of affairs. 6 Hundreds of soldiers, 
mained and crippled in the continental wars, unfit for physical 
labor, were turned back upon the country every year with no 
means of gaining an honest livelihood. Lords and abbots, further- 
more, were permitted to enclose large areas of land for sheep- 
raising, thereby abolishing agricultural labor throughout entire 
districts and turning out whole families and villages to face 
the prospect of starvation. In addition, the price of wool had 
risen so that the small weaver could no longer practice his trade 
with profit. Furthermore, the cost of living was continually 
increasing, lien were, consequently, forced to steal; and since 

b. Ilorley, Henry, Ideal Commonwealths, 1085, pf?. 61. This volume 
gives a modern English text of the Utopia ; and since it also 
includes Campanella ' s Civitas Solis and -aeon's Hew Atlantis 
affords a convenient opportunity for comparison. (Thurton 
Collins' edition of the Utopia , 1904, has an helpful Intro - 
duction and TTotes ; it gives the text of Ralph Robinson ' s 
English translation, 1551. 
6. Same, pg. 62 ff. 

death was the penalty for theft as well as for murder, they 
not only robbed but killed their victims in order to remove all 
possible witnesses. To show a happy contrast with thiB degenerate 
condition Hythloday then explained the practice of the Poly- 
lerites in Asia, who set their criminals to work, first cutting 
off a portion of the ear and clothing them in a special convict's 
garb so that they may be easily detected if they escape. Resti- 
tution is, also, made not to the public treasury, but to the 
person robbed. The prisoners may, after being found guilty, re- 
ceive gifts from their friends; but the possession of money is 
prohibited upon pain of death. Refusal to work is punished by 
whipping. To a suggestion made at this point that he ought to 
attach himself to the train of some great prince as an adviser, 
Hythloday answered that he would be an unwelcome guest in such 
a place; for the minds of kings were obsessed with the notions 
of unjust wars and of over-heavy taxation of their subjects.''' 
And he added: "To speak plainly my real sentiments, I must freely 
own, that as long as their is any property, and while money is the 
standard of all other things, I cannot think that a nation can be 


governed either justly or happily". 

In Book II is given Hythloday 's description of the kingdom 
of Utopia which he had discovered in the course of long wander- 
ings after he had become separated from Amerigo Vespucci on the 
fourth voyage. Utopia is a crescent, or horse-shoe, shaped 

7. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pp. 78 and 81. Gf. Henry VII and 

the Achorians. 

8. Same, pg. 85. 

9. Hythloday eventually reached Ceylon and got thence to Calicut 

(Morley, pg. 55). Utopia must, then, lie in the South 

island cut off from tho mainland "by a canal dug for protective 

purposes. It is inhabited by a race which in years prone by 

overran tho land under their leader and legislator Utopus. 

Agriculture is the chief interest and the supreme art in 

this nation, and all persons must learn something of it both in 

theory and in practice. 1 ^ Every rural family consists of at 

least two slaves and of forty free men and women. Twenty of 

the latter are permitted to return to the city at every two 

years' end, being replaced by an equal number transferred from 

the towns; thus none are forced against their wills to apply 

themselves indefinitely to farm labor, although "many amonjr them 

take such pleasure in it, that they desire to continue in it 

for many years". I 1 Products are common, i. e., state, property; 

Surplus is transferred, without barter or sale, to places where 

there is a shortage; and "when they want anything in the country 

which it does not produce, they fetch that from the town, with- 


out carrying anything in exchange for it". 

Fifty-four towns grace this fair land. Of these Amaurote, 

situated on the Anider River, is the chief. The city, which is 

in the form of a square, is well fortified by a wall and a moat. 

Its buildings are uniform in construction and are either of stone, 

of brick, or of plaster. The streets are twenty feet wide, and 


are "well sheltered from the wind". Here, as in the country, 
is no private property; "every man may freely enter into any 

10. Morley, pp. 91 and 96. 

11. Same, pg. 91. 

12. Same, pg. 92. 

13. Morley, Ide al Commonwealths, per. 92. 

house whatsoever", an* "at every ten years ond they shift 

their houses by lot". 

The national affairs of this communistic people are ad- 
ministered by a parliament composed of three representatives 


from each of the towns. The separate cities are ruled by 

Philarchs, in former times called Syphogrant b, who are chosen 

each year. One of these officers is allowed for every thirty 

families, and over every ten fam'lies presides an Archphilarch, 

formerly named a Tranibor. The Prince, who appears to be a 

local magistrate, is elected by the Philarchs out of a list of 

four "named by the people of the four divisions of the city", 

and serves for life "unless he is removed upon suspicion of some 

design to enslave the people". 16 Legislative work is carefully 

safeguarded against rashness; for no decision is handed down 

until after three days' debate, and no measure is discussed 

upon the day it is first proposed, 17 Cabals and caucuses are 

also forbidden since any meeting to consult on affairs of state, 

"unless it be either in their ordinary council, or in the assembly 

of the whole body of the people", is punishable by death. 

Trades, other than that of farming, are hereditary in the 

family; but children who show especial aptitudes, are allowed to 

follow the bent of their genius. All, except the priests, are, 

however, required to engage in some form or other of productive 

labor; thus the working day is cut to six hours in length, the 

14. Horley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 94. 

15. Same, pg. 90. 

16. Same, pg. 95. 

17. Same, pg. 95. 

18. Same, pg. 95. 

19. Same, pg. 99. Exemption is also permitted to officials, but 

they seldom avail themselves of the privilege. 


remainder of the time being spent in study and recreation. This 
minimum of labor is also made possible by the Spartan simplicity 
of life on the island; for the Utopians, while at work, wear a 
leather dross which ordinarily lasts for seven years, and their 
other garments offer no individual distinction beyond that made 
necessary by sex, or prescribed for the unmarried and the married. 
They have, furthermore, only contempt for gold and £ems ; so that 
avarice is unknown in that land. 2 ^ 

Family life is built upon the patriarchal model. The 
eldest male in the family is the head, and is dispossessed of 
his perogative only when "age has weakened his understanding".*^ 
In that case the next oldest assumes the position. These families 
are not broken un unless it becomes necessary to divide the city; 
for no town may have over 6,000 inhabitants. V/hen the number 
grows beyond this mark, some of the people are sent either to 
the under-populated sections of Utopia, or to colonies on the 
mainland. Should the census of the island at any time fall below 
the specified nark, some are then recalled from the extra-terri- 
torial settlements. This patriarchal ideal also governs the 
domestic ordering of the family. "Wives serve their husbands, 

and children their parents, and always the younger serves the 

elder". Marriage, too, is strictly supervised. Men may not 
marry before the age of twenty-two, nor women before that of 
eighteen. Illicit connections before these ages are severely 

20. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 110-114. Communism, of 

course, obviates any need "for money. 

21. Same, pg. 102. 

22. Same, pg. 103. 


punished, as aro also all forms of adultery. 7/hon two persons 
wish to marry, they are each in turn presented naked to the 
other in order that they may have full cognizance of each other's 
defects, Monogamy is strictly adhered to, and divorce is granted 
only in cases of infidelity. 

Communism, as one would exnect in a student of Plato, is 
an important provision in the Utopian state. Its application to 


property has already been explained;^ but it does not end there. 

Although private tables are permitted, all the people eat in 

the commons "since it is both ridiculous and foolish for any to 

give themselves the trouble to make ready an ill dinner at home, 

when there is a much more plentiful one made ready for him so 

near at hand", 26 In the country, of course, "they eat at home' T 

because of the great distance between the families. Neither do 

the sick nor those in the hospitals attend the commons, their 

portions being carried to them by the stewards. In the dining- 

halls the men sit next the wall, thus leaving the women freer 

egress in case of sudden illness. Children under five have their 

places among the nurses; from that age until "they are fit for 

marriage", they serve at table; or if they are not strong enough 

for such a task, they stand gravely by in decorous silence. Dinner 

and supper are preceded by moral discourses, and music sounds 


during the latter meal over which they linger lonp:. 

!Z3~, This is one of the few crimes for which the penalty is fixed; 
in practically all cases it is left for the Senate to 
adjudicate the matter according to the circumstances. 
Morley, pg. 133. 

24. See pg. b 2- 

25. Llorley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 105. 

26. Same, pg. 105 -107. 


Other practices of the country are upon an equally ideal 

plane. There being- no need for business transactions the 

necessity for travel is not great; but one may journey outside 

the precinct of his own city if he obtains a passport from the 

prince. In such case the state provides him with a slave, and 

transportation if there are women in the party. Food and other 

accomodations are furnished free by the communities through which 

he passes. Should the traveller remain in any one place longer 

than over night, he must apply himself to his regular trade. A 

man may, however, visit within the territorial limits of his 

native city without such passports; but he must first obtain the 


consent of his father and his wife. Trade with foreign nations 
is allowed only after all domestic needs are supplied; but even 
then exportation is not conducted merely for gain since one- 
seventh of the cargo is always distributed to the poor, and the 
remainder is sold at "moderate rates". 2 ^ The profits arising 
from such commerce, which is, of course, state controlled, are 
converted into bonds and left on deposit with the debtor nation 
until such time as the Utopians may call them in. This action 
is taken only upon two conditions: in order to lend to a govern- 
ment more needy than the one which holds the securities, or in 
order to finance a war. 

Considerations of physical well-being, however, have not 

overshadowed those for that of the mind, lloral discourses before 


meals have already been mentioned. Public lectures also are 

27. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 108. 

28. Same, pg. 108. 

29. See pg.*<T 


given before broakfast, but only those destlneti for the literary 


profession are forced to attend. Others, nevertheless, are 
often present; and all "are taught to spend those hours in which 
they are not obliged to work in reading". 31 In fact, the in- 
tellectual life is so far developed that, while they are entirely 
ignorant of European culture, they have developed astronomy and 


philosophy in all its branches to a most notable extent. In 
philosophy they believe that the chief end of man is pleasure; 
but theirs is no grossly hedonistic doctrine. They recognize 
four sorts of pleasures: those arising from cultivation of the 
mind, those arising from supplying the natural wants of the body, 
those arising from relieving the body of surcharges, and those 
arising from bodily health. The greatest of these is the 
first ; 3 ^ and "health is the greatest of bodily pleasures" .35 
Sports, hunting, and similar diversions they account "madness". 36 
Virtue with them "is a living according to Nature"; and "they 
believe that a nan then follows the dictates of nature when he 


pursues or avoids things according to the direction of reason". 
This following after "right reason" carries with it an observance 
of all laws "which either a good prince has published in due form, 
or to which a people, that is neither oppressed with tyranny nor 

30. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pp. 97 -98. 

31. Same, pg. 114. 

32. Same, pg. 114 - 115; see also pp. 127 -128 for their attitude 

toward medicine, and toward printing and Greek literature 
as shown to them by Hythloday and his companions. 

33. Same, pg. 122. 

34. Same, pg. 124. 

35. Same, pg. 123. 

36. Same, pg. 123. Note, also, that butchers are always slaves. 

37. Same, pg. 116. 


oiroumvented by fraud, has consented". 39 It also arouses in 
one the desire "to dispense with hir own advantage for the frood 
of others".* 59 

The legal institutions of Utopia are simple. "They have 

but few laws, and suoh is their constitution that they need not 

many". Their punishments for adultery and treason have been 

noted, as well as their commercial regulations and their com- 

munism. Rebellious slaves are put to death if they will not 


return to work or submit to the persuasion of chains. Lawyers 
they have none because they think each man is his own best ad- 
vocate, and that hired pleaders obstruct the channels of justice 


by their verbal artifices. All laws, furthermore, are in- 
terpreted according to "the plainest and most obvious of the 
words". 43 

In Ilore's eyes, probably the greatest interest of the 
Utopia centered in the pages which treat of religion. The creed 
he sets forth appears to embrace three principles: "that the 
soul of man is immortal, that God in his goodness has designed 
that it should be happy; and that He has therefore appoint ed re- 
wards for good and virtuous actions and punishments for vice, 
to be distributed after this life". 44 But while the "greater and 
wiser sort (of Utopians) adore one eternal, invisible, infinite, 

38. Ivlorley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 118. 

39. Same, pg. 118. 

40. See pp. 9, 10, and 11, respectively, this ch. 

41. Morley, pg. 133. 

42. Same, pg. 135. 

43. Same, pg. 135. 

44. Same, pg. 116. 

r n — 

and incomprehensible Dioty", others are free to worship what and 


as they choose. This open-mindedness is further shown by their 

eagerness to embrace Christianity as revealed to then by Hythlorlay 

and his party. 4 ^ Such p-entle toleration is, nevertheless, sternly 

tempered by statute. Utopus, that ideal legislator, himself 

"made a law that every man might be of what religion he pleased, 

and might endeavor to draw others to it by force or" argument, and 

by amicable and modest ways, but without bitterness against those 

of other opinions, but that he ought to use no other force but 

that of persuasion, and was neither to nix with it reproaches 

nor violence; and such as did otherwise were to be condemned to 


banishment and slavery". Another statute is directed "against 

such as should so far degenerate from the dignity of human 

nature as to think that our souls died with our bodies"; and all 

who hold this opinion are by common consent barred from all public 

confidence lest they betray it in the interest of their own im- 


mediate and material welfare. The general belief in immortality 
is doubtless the cause of the Utopians' attitude toward death. 
When one dies gladly and in peace, they rejoice. ',7hen one de- 
parts this life reluctantly, they are sad; for such fear signifies 
to then that the man is unfit to stand before the eternal judge, 
and so they bear hin forth in sorrow, beseeching the all powerful 
to have nercy upon the sinful soul. 4 ^ The noble and good they 

45. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pp. 148 - 149. 

46. Sane, pg. 150. Hythloday explains that this desire nay have 

risen fron a "secret inspiration of God" or fron a perception 
that Christianity was "favorable to that community of ^oods". 
Communisn of property was a doctrine of Wyclif and also of 
the Anabaptists. 

47. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 151. 

48. Same, pg. 152. 

49. Same, pg. 153. 

W 70 
honor, and believe them invisibly present on earth even after 
death. 60 

Their religious practice is simple. They do not "believe 
in miracles. They have no images in their temples. They offer 
no sacrifice; but they do burn candles and incense. They pray 
during battle. "They think that the contemplating of God in 
His works, and the adoring Him for them, is a very acceptable 
piece of worship to Him." There are among them two sorts of 
"friars" who "upon a motive of religious neglect learning" and 
devote themselves to menial and charitable tasks without hire. 
Of these one sect is extremely ascetic, the other much less so. 
The later are judged the wiser by the laymen, the former the 
holier. The priests, who may be either men or women, and who 
are always eminently pious, are charged with the instruction of 
the youth as one part of their work; but their greatest duty is 
"to exort and admonish the neople." Further than this they may 
not go, however, for the power of punishment lies wholly in the 
eivil administration; they can only exclude the "desperately 
wicked from joining in the worship". 

This same idealistic practice is followed in their inter- 
national relations. Since they see all about them nations violat- 
ing solemn oaths and treaties, the Utopians refuse to enter into 
any alliance. They do, however, give aid to any of their 
neighbors who are seeking to throw off the yoke of tyranny or 
to repel an invasion. For themselves they never wage war but upon 
two provocations: to acquire for their surplus population un- 

50. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 153. 

51. Hythloday adds with stinging satire that they would, no doubt, 

have other ideas if they lived in Europe where such viola- 
tions of pledges are unknown. 



occupied portions of another country, or to revenge physical 

injury to their merchants in a foreign port. Mere commercial 

fraud is answered by a trade boycott since profit is not the 

aim of their commerce and the nation itself is self-supporting. 

In marked contrast to these noble practices, however, is 

the method of conducting hostilities. "The only desirn of the 

Utopians in war is to obtain that by force, which if it had 

been granted them in time would have preventer) war; or if that 

cannot be done Jto take so severe a revenge on those that have 

injured them that they may be terri f ied from doing the like for 

the time to come " . In gaining this end no tricks of strategy 
are too deceitful, no intrigues too base, no practices too low. 
Schrecklichkeit is their motto. Immediately upon the declaration 
of war they publish a schedule of rewards for the murder or 
capture of the enemy rulers, thus sowing distrust and suspicion 
among the foe. This practice they justify upon the equivocal 
ground that it is kind to the enemy as well as advantageous to 
themselves because it may prevent great bloodshed by bringing 
the war to an early close. Should this plan of assasination 
fail, attempts are made to instigate revolts and revolutions 
among the hostile troops. But if open hostilities be a necessity, 
the Utopians, although both their men and women are trained to 
arms, hire with their hoarded gold the ^apolets, a "rude, wild, 
and fierce nation".* 53 This employment of mercenaries they defend 
by saying that "as they seek out the best sort of men for their 

52. Ilorley, Ideal Commonwealths, pg. 141. The italics are mine. 

53. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 143. These are probably 

meant f o r the Swiss who at that time hired out as 
mercenaries to the neighboring kin^s. 


own use at home, bo they make use of the worst sort of men for 


the consumption of war". These Zapolets with the auxiliaries 
from other nations and such of their own people as volunteer 55 
make up the Utopian army. In the ordering of the battle line 
families are placed together so that mutal devotion and self- 
esteem may incite them to bravery, and it is seldom that if one 
falls in a hard fight any of the group survive. But usually the 
losses are not excessive; for they allow the brunt of the on- 
slaught to be borne by the auxiliary troops, and, moreover, 
depend rather upon strategy than upon either aggression or stiff 
opposition. Yet however brutal may be their conduct of war 
in these respects, they have a fine sense of honor and never 
violate a truce once it is agreed to. neither do they ravage 
an enemy country or inflict indignities upon the civil population. 
They do, on the other hand, sternly and uncompromisingly exact 
an indemnity great enough to defray the expenses of the campaign 
to the last farthing. 

As one reads this extended political document, he naturally 
wonders upon what sources More drew for his materials. Ghurton 

Collins thinks that he borrowed from Plato, Plutarch, Tacitus, 

and St. Augustine. Of the last source I confess to have doubts, 
although More must have known the Dei Civitate thoroughly since 
he delivered a series of lectures upon it. In support of his 

54. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 144. 

55. "Slackers" are, however, in case of invasion put in the front 

rank where fear of public opinion holds them firm, or up- 
on the walls of the city in case of siege, where the danger 
to their homes inspires them with a momentary bravery. 

56. Collins, Churton, Utopia , 1904, Introduction, pp. xxvi - 

xxvii. The Cyropedia and Cicero, he concludes, had no 
influence • 

bolief Mr. Collins cites Dr. Lupton, saying; He "discerns it 
( August inian influence) in the conception of a perfect order 
as it prevailed in the city of God: in the due subordination of 
every member of society, each being glad to do hie own work 
and fall into his own place: in the community of goods, and in 
the limitation of bond service".^ 7 If, however, the last phrase 
be omitted and Republic inserted for City of God , the quotation 
will apply excellently well to Plato. Moreover, !!r. Collins in 
his copious notes fails to indicate any parallels between the 
Utopia and the Dei Civitate ; while he lists eleven with Plato 
and seven with Plutarch. In addition, as Mr. Collins points out, 
Aufrustine opposed the justifiability of suicide, and More defended 
it.^ These facts may not be conclusive; but they are significant 

The book which gave the immediate suggestion for the out- 
ward details of the Utopia was, doubtless, Amerigo Vespucci's 
Letter to Soderini written in 1504 and published in Latin at St. 
Die in 1507. Prom it More probably got the conception of locat- 
ing his city in the new world, and of lending to his story a 

certain verisilimitude by making his traveller a companion of 

an historic explorer. Amerigo mentions, also a people vho have 
no "private property, everything being in common" His Indians, 
too, have no regard for gold or pearls; but this characteristic 

TT» Collins, Churton, Utopia , 1904, Introduction , pg. xxvTI 

58. Collins, pg. 220, ITote to 1, 9 on pg. 1.00 of text. 

59. See pg. *H , for a discussion of verisimilitude in the 

Utopia . The excitement attendant upon the discoveries 
of Columbus and the Cabots undoubtedly exerted an in- 
fluence . 

60. Hakluyt Society Publications, vol. XC, pp. 6 - 12. Also 

Collins, Introduction, pp. xxxviii - xxxix. 

arises from ignorance. Collins has, likewise, cited three 
parallels with Tacitus: the distinction between the garments 
of men and women and between those of the married and the un- 
married, the suckling of infants by their mothers, and the dis- 
regard of precious metals. The last of these, however, he 
recognizes as common to both the Life of Lycurgus and the Republic 
The second, he also admits, is found in Plato's Republic and in 
Plutarch's De liberis Educandis . This leaves one lone parallel 
with Tacitus. 

The correspondence with Plutarch is, on the other hand, 
more exact and more extensive. In both Sparta and Utopia there 
is a contempt for ornament, but while Mere's communism obviated 
any necessity for money, Lycurgus had need of it in his state. 
He chose, however, to discourage avarice by making his coin 
of iron, and so too bulky for convenient hoarding. The marriage 
customs of the two countries are, likewise, not unsuggestive 
of each other. In Lacedaemon marriage is consummated "at 
maturity"; in Utopia "not before eighteen" for women and twenty- 
two for men. In the former the virgins dance naked before the 
eligible youths; in the latter the pair are exhibited to each 
other unclothed. In both countries the national assembly is 
elected by the towns. In both jesters are popular. In both 
the public tables are conducted in much the same manner, but 
liberty of eating in private is allowed by More. Lacedaemon 
was, however, more fortunate than Utopia in one respect. "Law- 
suits were banished" along with wealth ;62 while there are 

61. See Note 91, this chp. 

62. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths, pg. 40. 


no lawyers in the latter, legal controversies still persist. 
Both nations, too, curtail foreitm travel. Both, moreover, 
honor eminent ancestors, commemorate strategic victories by 


erecting columns, and admit women to the mysteries of religion. 

In conclusion, it should be noted that in each case the founder 

of the nation was its great legislator. 

The great influence upon the Utopia , however, is Plato's. 

That the conception of an ideal state and the use of the dialog 

form was owed to him, is obvious. But there is, also, a correspond 

ence in details between the work of Ilore and Plato. Both have 

common tables, communism of property, ^ contempt of precious 

metals and gems, absence of bars and bolts from houses, educa- 
tion through music, lectures, and horseback-riding, nursing of 
infants by mothers, equality of women, avoidance of war, and a 
philosophy of pleasure and nain. Mr. Collins noints out further 
that the poetic passage in Division VI of Book II of the Utopia 
is inspired by a similar one in the Republic The same 
editor thinks, also, that Plato's description of Atlantis pave 

63. Mr. Collins 'Notes on these points are to be found in his 

edition of the Utopia , pp. 201 (note to per. 71, 1.5); 
203 (pg. 73, 1. 13) ; 222 (pg. 101, 1. 21); 225, (per. 105, 
1. 17); 230 (pg. 112, 1. 19); 240, (pg. 132, 1. 12). The 
other parallels are of my own notation. 

64. Professor H. S. V. Jones of the University of Illinois has 

suggested to me that this idea may have come from the Ana- 
baptists. I cannot, however, help but feel that the Lord 
Chancellor who wore a hair shirt and trod heretics under 
his feet "like ants", would have looked only rrith horror 
upon an heretical communism, especially the lewd, licenti- 
ous, and immoral variety that had to be suppressed by armed 
force. It is also interestinr to note that the quotations 
under the word "libertine" in the Oxford Dictionary class 
.,. Anabaptists and libertines together at this period. 

65. The same idea occurs in the Critias . 

66. Morley, pg. 128 (top), and Republic , vii, 529 (Jo-rett's 

translation) • 


More the idea of Utopia; but while the fable of Atlantip nay- 
have suggested locating the ideal republic in the western ocean, 
the two countries remain markedly different in shane, and the 
Critias ends before anything definite is said. Plato's general 
theory of virtue being prized above luxury, as expressed in the 
Timaeus , may also have had its influence upon More. Another 
detail is the canal by which the Utopians cut their island off 
from the mainland; in the Timaeus there is one three hundred feet 
wide, one hundred feet deep, and fifty stadia long; Herodotus 
also records that the Gnidians dug a canal across the neck of 
their ueninsula to protect themselves against attack from the 

Extended as this indebtedness is it is far overshadowed 
by Llore's originality and by his contributions to the type. The 
minor details for which successors are indebted to More can best 
be pointed out when their works are under discussion. But there 
can be no question that More gave to Plato's abstract ideality 
"a local habitation and a name" which it has continued to keep 
in one form or another under one guise or another until the 
present day; for Utopia, Givitas Solis, New Atlantis, Christian- 
opolis, Severambia, L'Isle Inconnue, Erehwon, and Altruria are 
sister states whatever their geographical position or whatever 
their governmental form. In addition, More introduced the 
practice, exceedingly popular with him, of locating ^ ne imaginary 
state in some part of the newly discovered continents — America 
and Australia. Not until 1675, it is true, does the practice 
become fixed of giving an exact and definite location; but to 
More, nevertheless, must go the credit of having first conceived 


i dea. 

A second contribution on More's part to the development 

of the voyage imp inaire was an elaboration of the "effort to 

force belief". All previous writers in the genre had depended 

chiefly on the dogmatic statement "I saw"; Mandeville alone had 

introduced near the end of his book a direct testimonial to his 

truthfulness. More showed greater subtlety. He first created 

Hythloday and made him a companion of an historical explorer; 

then he had various persons testify to the uprightness of this 


fictitious person's character. But the chief evidence was 
offered in a set of letters prefixed to the first edition. One 
of these is from Peter Giles to Hierome Busleyden, and appears 
to have been sent along with a copy of the Utopia , for it mentions 
the addition to the manuscript of "a meter of iiij verses 
written in the Vtopian tongue" and "the Alphabete of the same 
nation", which were given to Giles by Hythloday after More's 
departure from Antwerp. The letter also declares that More's 
"memorie" of the conversation is "perfect and suer". It ex- 
plains, moreover, why no clear information is given as to the 
geographical location of the island. Just at the moment Hyth- 
loday was explaining this point More's servant entered an^ 
whispered in his master's ear, thus distracting his attention; 
Giles, listening all the more intently on that very account, also 
failed to catch Hythloday 's remarks because one of the company 

67. The letters are usually omitted from modern editions of the 
Utopia . Collins reprints them as an Appendix to his 
volume. Dr. A. J. Tieje in Chapter III, The Consciously 
Expressed Theory of European Prose Fiction , discusses 
their bearing on TKe problem of verisimilitude • 


"couched out so loude, that he toke from my hearynge certen 
wordes". "But", Giles adds, "I will neuer stynte, nor rest, 
until I haue gotte the full and exacte knowledge thereof". Un- 
fortunately, he hears only "very vncerten newes" of Hythloday, 
some saying that he had died, others that he had returned to his 
own country, and still others that he had pone hack to Utopia. 
More's own letter to Peter Giles is in much the same vein. After 
apologising for his long delay in forwarding the manuscript, he 
requests that Giles see Hythloday and find out the actual length 
of the bridge over the Anider at Amaurote; for More himself under- 
stood it to be five hundred paces, but "John Clement my boy 

sayeth that ii hundred of those paseis must be plucked 

awaye". More also asks that the exact position of Utopia be 

told to him, because a certain "godly man is excedynge 

desierous to go vnto Vtopia, to the intent he maye 

further and increase our religion". And additional point is 
given to the whole by More's protestation: "For as I will take 
good hede that there be in my book nothyng false, so, if there 
be anythynge in doubte, I wyll rather tell a lye then make a 
lye; bicause I had be good then wise rather". 

A third innovation introduced by More into the voyage 
imaginaire is of greater importance still because it is entirely 
original with him; for however great his indebtedness to Plato 
and Plutarch, the immediate source of his work must be sought 
in contemporary political and economic conditions. Book I 
emphasises this; for that portion of the narrative, which con- 
stitutes about a third of the entire book, is devoted to a con- 
versation about robbery, enclosures, and farming in Henry VTII's 


England. In Book II, also, : r ore makes continued reference to 

the /Europe of his day and constantly compares its practices 

with those of Utopia. The method by which he pains his effect 

is satire, or if not satire, at least a disguised discuesion 

of sixteenth century problems — a conception in part borne out 

by the nomenclature behind which More probably thought to hide 

himself in case the Utopia roused the royal wrath. "Utopia", 

as everybody knows, is a Greek compound meaning "nowhere". 

Churton Collins points out that in addition practically every 

name in the story has a similarly hidden signification.^ 

"Amaurote" is a "phantom city"; "Anider", a "river in which is 

no water"; the "Anemolians", a "people of the wind"; the 

"Polylerites", "babblers of much nonsense"; the "Achorians", 

"those who have no place on earth"; and "Hythloday" means "skilled 

in babble"* When, moreover, one reads that "no town desires to 

enlarge its bounds", or that wars of agression are carried on 


only to relive over-population, or that treaties "are religi- 


ously observed in Europe", or that the Achorians had trouble 

in retaining conquered territory to which they had some ancient 


pretense of sovereignity, or that Hythloday disapproves of 


royal ambition and avarice, he cannot help but feel that More 
is making covert references to his own England. Similarly the 
description of Amaurote is generally accepted as being that of 
idealized London. Indeed, Stowe says: Amaurote "doth in every 

68. Introduction , pg. xli. 

69. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 90. 

70. Same, pg. 102. 

71. Same, pg. 137. 

72. Same, pg. 77. 

73. Same . pg. 78 - 85. 


particular thing so exactly square and correspond with our 

City of London that I make little doubt that the writer did 

thereby mean the same place"; and he thereupon proceeds to 

transcribe the passage from More as a description of London in 


the reign of Henry VIII. But if the description was so in- 
tended by its author, the intent must have been satirical; for 
even in 1516 London was no longer (if it ever was) "small and 
white and clean" — it was sprawling, drab, and dirty. To the 

passages already cited may be added those on laws, lawyers, 

and courts; the removal of all cases from the civil ,iuris- 

76 77 
diction; the simplicity of religious worship; and the adoption 


of the Lutheran confessional. In this adoption of the imaginary 
state as a means for assailing specific contemporary abuses lies 
lore's advance over his predecessor Plato. Llore's dialog is 
obviously political j Plato's philosophic. More has his eye 
upon the conditions of his day; Plato upon life in the abstract. 
Philosophic Speculation joined with Greek Statecraft and pro- 
duced the Republic ; Political Science cohabited with Poetic 
Imagination and begat the Utopia . 

A caution must, however, be sounded here against a too 
eager acceptance of the Utopia , as an expression of Ilore's own 
ideas, as well as against a practice, common even among scholars, 
of a superficial consideration of the details of the book, ^or 

74. Stowe, John, Survey of London and Westminster , 1598, vol. II, 

pg. 573 - 574. 

75. Morley, Ideal Commonv/ealths, pg. 136. 

76. Same, pg. 156. 

77. Same, pg. 158 ff. 

78. Same, pg. 139. 



while the remarks at the end of the hook cannot, perhaps, he 
taken at their face value, they at least suggest that the author 
was expressing a theory and not a conviction, that the Utopia is 
a picture of a possibility rather than of a probability, and 
that the whole is a speculation not a demonstration. Scholar- 
ship has, also been grievously exercised at times to reconcile 
what it considered Utopian broadmindedness in religion with 
lore's uncompromising persecution of heretics. This error arises 
from a partial examination of the Utopia ; for a careful reading 
reveals, as has been pointed out, that beneath the apparent 
religious freedom is a stern repression directed especially against 
public disputation and abusive polemics the very things which 
More as an ardent son of Mother Church must have viewed with 
greatest alarm. 

'.Then, however, every indebtedness to predecessors has been 
admitted, and every allowance has been made for discrepancy be- 
tween Utopian practice and Ilore's own beliefs, the Utopia still 
stands forth as an important milestone in the progress of the 
voyage imaginaire . I.Iore found ready to his hand the abstract 

79. l.Iorley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 166: "7/hen Raphael had 

thus made an end of sneaking, though many things occurred 
to me, both concerning the manners and laws of that 
people, that seemed very absurd, as well as their way 
of making war, as their notion of religion and divine 
matters; together with several other particulars, but 
chiefly what seemed the foundation of all the rest, 
their living in common, without the use of money, by which 
all nobility, magnificence, splendor, and majesty, which, 
according to the common opinion, are the true ornaments 
of a nation, would be quite taken away". And on pg. 167: 
"I cannot perfectly agree to everything he has related; 
however, there are many things in the Commonwealth of 
Utopia that I rather wish, than hope, to see followed in 
our governments". 


oonsidorat ion of the ideal state and the wonderbook; these he 
combined into a form which other writers at once began, and have 
continued to copy. To the imaginary state, also, he first pave 
a definite location and a name. He, too, was the earliest to 
make the voyage imaginaire a vehicle for the criticism of con- 
temporary political and economic conditions a function which 
many of the descriptions of ideal states cominr after his time 
serve; for after 1516 such works are no longer purely philosophic 
speculations — no matter how theoretical they may be, they 
have always a foundation in their own times. Ilore also rendered 
a service to prose fiction as a whole. He is among the first to 
recognize the value of the "effort to force belief". His 
letters and his specimens of the Utopian tongue led directly 
to Vairasse's elaborate preface and lengthy dissertation on 
Severambian grammar; and other types of fiction did not fail to 
follow the suggestion. Thomas Ilore, in short, is not only the 

father of the modern Utopia, but of certain well established 


fictional practices as well. 


The texts of the next three imaginary states to appear 
in Europe have, unfortunately, not been available for the purpose 
of this study. I have, therefore, been forced to omit discussion 

80. The omission of von Mo hi and Voigt from this discussion may 
seem strange; but the general criticism which they give 
only bears out the ideas already expressed. Von Uohl (183) 
finds that More substituted plans of his own for those of 
Plato in regard to marriage, labor, and governmental organ- 
ization, and sees only weakness in the equalization of 
agricultural labor, communism, and slavery. Voigt (62) 
defends I.Iore's use of the latter custom on the pround that 
his knowledge afforded him no other means of netting the 
menial labor performed. 


of Camo'ens 1 L ' Isle Enchantee ; ^ and for my knowledge of Patricio's 

La (Jitta Felice (1553) and of Stiblin's CommontarloluB de ;mdaeno - 

nensiun Republica (1555) I have had to rely upon the brief and 

unsatisfactory summaries appended by the Reverend I r. ./alter 


Begley to his edition of the Nova Solyrca . The former he calls 
"a very uninteresting production". It sets forth a materialistic 
ideal "plenty to eat and to drink, pood houses, rood clothes, 
a well-managed, healthy town, rood sanitary arrangement r" seem 
to be the chief provisions. Seemingly Patrizi offers no sug- 
gestions which mirht not be found in More; but whether or not 
he is imitating him cannot be told from Mr* Be gl ey 1 s , summary . 
Since, however, the book itself is only thirty-seven pages in 
length, amplification even on the author's part would seem to be 
precluded. From the summary it is, also, impossible to tell 
whether the book is a voyage imaginaire or merely a utopia. 

Stiblin's Commentariolus de Kudaemonensium Republica , on 
the other hand, is unquestionably a voyage imaginaire ; for the 
"writer and others" are shipwrecked upon the coast of Llacaria, 
an island in the "Eastern Ocean", The chief city of this 
country, Eudaemon, is round in form, is well fortified with three 
walls and a moat, and has four gates facing the cardinal points 
of the compass. The walls are adorned with "moral notices in 
Greek and Latin", the former being taken chiefly from the Hecuba 
of iuripid^es. All classes must work together for the good of 
the state; but the lower classes do not participate in the govern- 

81. The date of this work is uncertain. Camo'ens was born in 

1524 or 25 and died in 1580. 

82. Vol. II, pp. 365 ff. This edition was published in 1902. 


mont — valgus pessinus re rum ggrendum an c tor oat is the motto 
posted before the public eye. The sumptuary laws are very 
strict; drunkeness, for example, is punished with preat severity, 
any official guilty of this offence bein^r immediately deprived 
of his honors. Loss of the tonprue is the penalty for blasphemy, 
and public disputants suffer banishment. Those who deserve 
well of the state are publicly rewarded. The religion is evan- 
gelical. The absence of communism stamps the book at once as 
not being: an imitation of Tore or of Plato. Two details - the 
name and location of Stiblin's island - suggest an influence 
from the former; for llore mentions the I'acarians^ as living not 

far from the Utopians, anri Utopia as lying between America and 

India, i. e. in the Pacific Ocean, which may probably be 

Stiblin's Eastern Sea. Both authors, moreover, assign the same 

doom to contentious arguers of religious questions. These 

parallels may be of no significance; but they are suggestive. 

Toward the close of the sixteenth century CrOdwin wrote 

his I.lan in the i.loone , which is a picaresque romance, a 
Robinsonade, and a voyage imaginaire in one. This combination 
is important since now for the first time the hero of the voyage 
is given a rounded character. Lucian appears only as a prreat 


liar; Mandeville as a pious, garrulous, and credulous traveller; 
Hythloday, in order to lend verisimilitude to the story, as an 
upright and learned man. But other than this their personalities 

83. Morley, pg. 81. 

84. See Note 27, this chapter. 

85. Por full title see Bibliography . 

86. I offer no apology for thr word; I am simply quo tins: Lucian 

when he says: "I shall at least be truthful in saying that 
I am a liar". Verae Historiae , pg. 253, Harmon's transla- 

are vague and indistinct. With Godwin the hero first assumes 

those definite qualities which later authors repularly assigned 

to him, although his immediate successors — Hall, Cannanella, 

Andreae, and Bacon — still clung to tho vaguely portrayed hero. 

The book does not appear to have been published before 

1630, and the only authority for its having been written earlier 


is the author's own statement. No English reprints seem to 

have been made; but at the present time the text is readily ae- 

cessible in the Harleian Miscellany , and in Anglia . The im- 
mediate popularity of the book on the continent appears, however, 
to have been greater than at home; the French translations were 
made in 1648, and again in 1654 and 1671, and German versions 
were published in 1659 and 1660. 

According to the story, Domingo Gonzales, a Spaniard by 
birth, began his somewhat questionable career as a soldier of 
fortune in the Low Countries, whence he contrived to return 
with sufficient spoils to fret himself respectably married. A 
short while after, however, he slew a kinsman in a duel, and was 
compelled to flee to Lisbon, where a relation of the dead man 
cozened him out of a large sum of blood-money. To repair his 
shattered fortunes Gonzales embarked on a commercial venture to 
the East Indies; but falling ill on the return voyage, he with 
a black servant was set ashore on St. Helena, where he found 
some large migratory geese, or swans, which had one claw shaped 
like that of an eagle, and the other like that of a swan. His 

87. Harleian I.Iiscellany , vol. XI, pg. 512. 

88. Harleian Miscellany , vol. XI, pp. 511 - 534. Anglia , vol. X 

pp. 428 - 456. 


leisure time he spent in training certain of these to carry 
him in a kind of sling, hut not after this feat was ac- 
complished, the Spanish ships arrived to carry him and the 
negro back to Europe. Off the Canary Islands, however, they 
were overhauled by some English vessels; and that on which Gon- 
zales was^ sought to escape capture by running aground, but fear- 
ing the breakers, he made ready his birds for flight, and by 
this means gained the land. His good fortune, nevertheless, wis 
short-lived; for the natives immediately attacked him, the birds 
asrain saving him for destruction, but giving him new cause for 
alarm since after alighting a moment on a mountain top, they 
soared into the middle regions of the universe. There Gonzales 
experienced neither hunger, nor heat, nor cold, nor was he 
sensible of any weight. As he passed through this region, a 
troop of spirits came around him, and offered him food and drink 
if he would promise to remain among them. He accepted the 
provisions, but refused to pledge his course of action — a wise 
precaution since when he unwrapped their gifts in the Uoon, he 
found them to be only trash of one sort or another. 

The description of the Lloon is very vague. Those parts 

which appear light to us are seas; those which appear dark are 

land. The lunar language consists, not of words, but of 
musical tones. The people propel themselves through the air 
with large feather fans. Virtue is in?i'cated by a person's 

89. Bishop 7/ilkins in his Discovery of a 7/orld in the ?.Toon (1640), 
ch. 8, upholds the contrary. Godwin's book may have in- 
fluenced Wilkins. Indeed Godwin proclaims that the latter 
"calls it a pleasant and well contrived fancy"; but I do 
not find such a statement in Wilkins' Discovery . 


height; and sinoe vice is almost unknown among thoni, small 
people are very uncommon. Such persons are, if it is possible, 
sent to the Earth as changelings; otherwise they are condemned 
to menial labor at home. These individuals also sleep from 
the time of the full moon to the end of the last quarter, being 
unable to endure any brilliant illumination. The chief temporal 
magistrate, who is twenty feet high and upv/ard, and is over five 
thousand years old, dwells in the island of Martini, which is 
carefully guarded from intruders. The spiritual prince is 
younger and smaller. 7/hen he was presented at court, Gonzales 
made a present of certain gems to the king, and receiver) in 
rrturn three jewels of mag-ic properties. There he also learned 
of a lunar tradition that lone* ago a man came from the earth and 
founded the present dynasty; but this, he concludes, is a "false 
and romantick" idea since there is no similar story current on 
the Earth. Both the hero and his geese now became homesick and 
so he began his return journey, arriving on the Earth without 
accident. Happening to land in China, however, he was arrested 
as a sorcerer; but the local Mandarin favoring him, he was sent 
to "Pequin" whence by the hands of some Jesuit missionaries he 
forwarded his manuscript into Spain with good hopes of soon 
following it himself. 

Such extravagant fancy had, naturally, to seek out some 
means of gaining a suspension of disbelief on the reader's part. 

90. There is in the introductory passages a promise to tell of 
such things as the telephone, the telegraph, e_t cetera ; but 
it is not fulfilled. 


And to this end various means are employed. First of all, the 

story is not published separately, but is included in A View of 

the Island of St. Helena , the description of which serves no 

other apparent purpose than that of introducing the narrative. 

The testimony of the "ingenious Bishop V/ilkins" has already been 


cited, and other authorities are also invoked. Further than 
this the author protests that "many of our English historians 
(have) published, for truth, what is almost as improbable as 
this, as Sir John I.Iandevil in his travels and others, and this 
(has) what they are utterly destitute of, that is, invention 
mixed with judgment." Other discoveries and theories, he also 
points out, have been sceptically received at first, only to be 
found true later, as those of Columbus and the existence of the 
Antipodes. Protest of this sort is altogether similar to that 
of Sir John Mandeville, behind whose skirts Godwin does not 
blush to hide; but it markes a decided artistic retrogression 
from the clever trickery of More's letters. Godwin did, however, 
introduce one noteworthy variation into the effort to force 
belief, although he himself does not appear to recognize its 
literary value. His book is supposedly printed from the manu- 
script sent home by Gonzales who rer.ained conveniently behind 
in China so that no sceptical reader could seek to verify his 
existence; but while Godwin only mentions the manuscript, Vairasse 
and Foigny in this type of fiction and Prevost in another, seized 

91. "I remember some years since, I read certain stories tending 
to confirm what is here related in these Lunars, and es- 
pecially one chapter of IJeubrigensis . Inigo llondijar, in 
his description of Nova Garanta; also Joseph Defia de 
Carana, in his history of Mexico, if my memory fail not, 
recount what will make my report credible; but I value 
not testimonies." See Note 89, above. 

upon the suggestion and built around it elaborate introductions 
designed to gain verisimilitude. Another important influence 
of the obscure Godwin was exercised upon such men as Cyrano de 
Bergerac, *- l'Abbe Gabriel Daniel, and Brunt to whom he seoms 
to have suggested the journey throurh interstellar space and the 
world in the ::oon. 

A more interesting and in some respects more important 


work is the ITundus Alter et Idem of Bishop Joseph Hall t known 

in his own day as a trenchant satirist and a vigorous contro- 

velsialist. He calls himself, evidently not without a touch 

of egotism, the first English satirist, "which", Canon Perry says, 

"must be interpreted as the first formal writer of satires upon 

the Latin model"; and Hall's claim is upheld by a number of 
pungent satires in Latin verse, that were published under the 
general title Virgidemiarum, Sixe Bookes . The first volume of 
these, appearing in 1597, contained the First Three Booke s of 
Toothlesse Satyrs ; and the second in 1598, the Three Last Pookes 
of By ting Satyrs , these subtitles indicating that however classic 
might be his models, -Tall possessed enough of the full-blooded 
Renaissance T^nglishman to appreciate the popularizing value of 
the picturesque phrase. He was also an ardent opponent of 
Romanism, but no "^uritan as his clashes with Hilton will testify. 
In him was, too, a certain love of adventure which in 1605 sent 
him to Spa in the guise of a layman where he startled the regular 

92. Upham, A. H. , French Influence in English Literature in 

the 16th and 17th " Centuries , pg. 377 . ~ 

93. For full title see Bibliography . 

94. Perry, the Reverend Canon," article on Hall in the Dictionary 

of national Biography . 


clerfcy and Jesuits aliko by his knowledro of religious contro- 
versy and his ability in disputation. Adapted by nature to 
the creative work of imaginative literature, made acquainted 
by education with the satires of Lucian, and attracted by 
literary inclination to the work of Rabelais, Hall, even though 
a Bishop in the Anglican Church, was the man to pen the raciest 
of moral satires that fall v.ithin the bounds of the voyare 
in.ifrinaire . 

"The first edition was published without ulace or 

date", says the editor of Hall's Collected 7orks (1839). The 
second appeared at Hanover in 1607, and another undated one at 
Frankfort, probably that which Canon Perry in the Dictionary of 
National ?iorrraphy assigns to 1605. In 1643 and again in 1680 
the I'undu s was printed and bound up with Bacon's Hew Atlantis 
and Campanella's Civita s Solis ; while in 1669 appeared an im- 
itation entitled Psittacoru m Itegio : The Land of Parrots , or the 

She elands . The original work was early translated into 
Hnglish; an undated version "by an English Ilercury" seems to 


have been the first, and in 1608 J(ohn) H(ealey) made another. 

95 . See Bibliography, under anonymous. 

96. " " Hall. There is prefixed an address 

of "J. H. the translator to J. H. the author" which 
reads as follows: "Sir, if the turning of your witty 
worke into our mother tongue do distaste you, blame not 
any but your selfe that wrote it. Iisnguage doth not alter 
the sence of any thing. I had as leeve one would call me 
a knave in English as in Italian. Where I varye from yoiir 
original, it is eyther to exures^e your sence, or preserve 
your conceit. This I hope to hear you satisfied: for 
others, if any snarle, lie bite as deepe as they, since 
"Vrong and revenge infuse more fervent spirit, 
Then all the Muses can; in right of merit. 
Your gravity and place, Pnvie as well as T must reverence. 
If you but rest unmoov'd, let any man else kick, lie scorne 
him. Let the whole world of flaring Critiques traduce mee, 
or no, it skilles not whether: both I am arm'd for, one 


When one considers this apparent popularity, he finds it stranre 

that the editors of Dr. William Kind's works should have riven 

out a translation of i<ook I t Chapters 1 to 6 found amonr his 

papers as "an original piece in the manner of Rabelais". 97 

Stranger still is the impudence of one "R. S." who in 1684 pub- 


lished a racy translation of Hall's work, and palmed it off 
as that of a Spanish manuscript redeemed by him "from the Teeth 
of Time and the very Paw of Destruction " and written by Don Q." 
whom he surmises to "be either Quevedo or Ouixot". 

The book is a satirical description of certain lands lying 
in the Ethiopian Ocean southward of Africa, and called by the 
generic name of Terra Australis Incognita , as reported by the 
author, an unnamed traveller. Crapulia, "a very fair and larp-e 
territory" is the first province visited. It lies "in 74 
degrees of longitude, and 60 degrees of latitude, and 11 decrees 
distant from the Gape of Good Hope"." This country is divided 
into two provinces, pamphagonia and Ivronia, but they are ruled 

I looke for, neither I care for. Thus, from him that will 
bee your's repolute, J. H." 

97. Morley, pg. 8. King lived 1650 - 1729; his V/orks were pub- 

lished 1776. 

98. I discovered independently that this was a translation; but 

I was pleased to find that Mr. Esdaile in his List of 
English Prose Tales and Prose Romances before 1740 con- 
firmed my conclusion. R. S. has, however, used his original 
freely. His translation of the place names has made the 
satire more coarse, if more vigorous, and his diction is 
never refined. He has, moreover, left out and added at 
will, as, for example, he omits on pg. 117 the Portuguese 
whom Hall mentions on pg. 52, ; and in the last chapter of 
BK. IV, R. S. adds a lonr passage, pp. 191 - 194. 

99. Hall writes, 'forks, vol. XII, pg. 9, ed. 1839, "Longitudine , 

vero, ad sexagesimum porrigitur. A Gapitae Boni Spei 11 
grad distat; totique fere Africae ex adverso t iacet". 


by a single prince. The first, which i8 shaped like a Greek Z^, 
is a land of plenty. Birds coming into the country prow po fat 
they cannot fly away; and the fish fight to he hooked. No 
importations except of foodstuffs are permitted, and nothing 
eatable may be exported. In the district of Friviandy the altars 
of the god Gorbelly blaze day and night. Golosia abounds in 
fruits, and out of the „uker Hills, which lie in this division, 
the inhabitants "draw something that is hard, white, and sparklinr, 
but sweet". Artocreopolis, the chief town of Pamphagonia, is 
protected by a great moat filled with fish and by a high wall 
built of the bones of animals which the inhabitants have de- 
voured. Because staircases are dangerous to drunken men the 
law prohibites their erection. The waist is the measure of all 
things; for one's rank in the social scale and his promotion 
in office is determined solely by his girth, and loss of weight 
brings with it a corresponding reduction in posit ion. Feast- 
ing is sole occupation, diversion, and end of life. None may 
leave the city fasting under penalty of eating a double portion; 
all governmental deliberations are preceded by a feast; none 
may rise from the table before six hours have elapsed; gormandis- 
ing is taught in the schools; food is legal tender. The only 
foe of this fat country is Hungerland. Even the religion savors 
of the kitchen and the cellar. Time is their god, for he devours 

100. Same, pg. 23, gives an epitaph of one of the dukes: "Omasius 
Fagoniae, Dux, Dominus, Victor, princeps, Deus hie jaceo: 
nemo ne nominet fame li cms, paretereat jejunus, salutet 
sobrius: haeres mihi esto qui potest, subditus qui vult, 
qui, audet hostis. Vivite ventres et valete". This R. S. 
translates (pg. 37) "I All -Paunch, mike of Belly-All- 
Main, lye here entombed, dying a Lord, a Victor, a Prince, 
a Deity. Let none pass by me fastinp, nor name me hungry, 
nor salute me sober: Be mine heir he that can, my subject 
he that will, mine enemy he that dare." 

all things. Jove they hold in irreverence because hie thunrler 
sours the wine and spoils the riDe fruit. 

Ivronia ip not essentially different from its sister 
province, except that liquor is substituted for food. A flagon 
must never be accepted unless it is full, and may never be re- 
turned unless it is empty; he who waters his wine is compelled 
to eat with the dogs. The only garment is a wreath of vine 
leaves about the middle, but all paint their bodies in strange 
designs after the manner of the Indians. Strangers cominf into 
the couni ry must before the expiration of three days sacrifice 
to Bacchus by drinking dry a larg-e hollow statue of the rod 
filled with wine. The Knights of the Golden Tun is their 
honorary order. 

From this province the author wanders into that of Vira- 
ginia, called by the European geographers Psittacorum Terr am . 
Its chief state is Linguadocia, the capital of which is Garrula 
There the author was taken prisoner, and released only upon his 
promising never to do any ill to the female sex, never to in- 
terrupt a speaking woman, never to deny his wife any finery she 
might look at, and to let her rule the household. In Viraginia 
the men do the menial work and perform all the domestic duties; 
and there is no country where the households are better kept. 

IToronia, or the Land of Fools, is peopled by a fat, fair 
tall race with thick lips and ears. In winter they open their 
garments to allow the heat easier access to their bodies; while 
in summer they shut it out by means of thick wrappinp-s . Their 
heads are shaven so that the heat of the brain may be allayed, 
and also that the mind may more easily aspire heavenward. A 

similar folly appears in all thoir regulations and conduct of 

The fourth and last country visited is Lavernia, or the 
Land of Thieves. It is a sterile land and naught errows there; 
but the inhabitants have plenty because they never surrender 
that which they get. Children are trained to steal from earliest 
infancy. Even before they are weaned, they must purloin runs 
from their mothers' hair; and detection in this theft brings an 
inevitable thrashing. Some of the inhabitants plunder ships, 
anerlinr- for them with loadstones. And all practice some form 
of robbery. 

This brief summary can give no more than a vague idea 
suggestion of the satire; the book must be read to be appreciated, 
both as to wit and coarseness. The point lies, naturally, in 
the extreme exaggeration of the general as well as the specific 
detail, and the attack was meant, obviously, to strike at such 
customs as gluttony, debauchery, forwardness in women, and dis- 
honesty. Its own century recognized this; for a "literary 
chronicler of the seventeenth century" says: " The Mundus Alter 
et Idem of a certain Englishman was not Ion?- since published: a 
satire against the corrupt manners of the present age; in which, 
while he assigns separate stations to the separate vices, and 
distinguishes the nations inhabiting them, and the places them- 
selves, by names ingeniously compounded and feigned, suitable to 
1 the nature of everything, he, in my opinion, founds a Poneropolis 
(a City of the kicked), which will no less divert the readers, 
than inflame their minds with a love of virtue". 101 To these 

101. IJaudei Biblioth . Polit . Creriii ., ed.. 169T:, pg. 517. Quoted 
in the Advertisement by the Editor, Hall's y/o rks , 
vol. XII, ed. 1839. 

attacks on vioe in general are, however, added several assault s 
upon specific persons or habits. The description of Ivronia 
appears to have been intended as a picture of Germany since all 
the names are in the language of that country. "Carousi-Kanikin 
is a name, I understand not farther than what light I have of 
it from the German tongue" .^^2 ^ n( j other examples of this nomen- 
clature may be found on almost every page. The French are the 
discoverers of Lloronia Variana, which R. S. translates as 
Fooliana the Fickle. 103 The universities, 104 Paracelsus, 105 the 
habit of smoking, 106 Catholicism, 107 the VJelsh, 108 and lawyers 109 
also feel the lash of Hall's wit. 

The change in the voyage imaprinaire as Kali wrote it is at 
once apparent. First of all he departs from the precedent set 
by I.Iore in his prefatory letters and in his ''meter of iiij verses" 
in the Utopian tongue; for in the Preface to the ITundus Alter et 
Idem he says that they who tell of real travels do a good work, 
but that they who create the lands they travel in do a better; so 
getting himself into the good ship Phantasy he sailed for two 
years until Grapulia was sighted in the offing. But a meticulous 
critic may find strangely at variance with this open discard of 

102. The translation is R.S's., pg. 49. Hall's Latin, pg. 28, 

reads: "Zouf f enberg, irrnoto mihi nomine, nisi quod sonum 
Germanicum". Other examples are "Burgoraagistorum" (26), 
"P pro B, F pro V, more Germanico male pronunciato" (27), 
"Spruchwall" (28), "Gesundheits" (30), "Auff zeichner" (31), 
"Schlauohbergae" (35). 

103. R. S., pg. 117; Hall, XII, pg. 52. 

104. R. S., pp. 123 - 125; Hall, XII, pp. 55 - 57. 

105. R. S., pg. 153; Hall, pg. 71. 

106. R. S., pg. 162 ff; Hall, XII, pp. 75 - 77. 

107. R. S., pg. 171; Hall, XII, pg. 82. 

108. R. S., T3g. 182; Hall, XII, pg. 86. 

109. R. S., pg. ; Hall, XII, 


all effort to pain verisimili tude that passage which gives tho 
exact location of the Mundus Alter et Idem, 110 as well as the 
four naps 111 prefixed to each of the four books and depicting 
the geographical features of the four principal provinces. He 
may, too, be troubled by such passages as that concerning Moriana 
VarianeH 2 or that about Gynia IJova.^ 13 But these latter two 
are a part of the satire; and the maps have no more intention 
of deceiving than did the Carte de Tendre of the French novelists; 
and the statement of latitude and longitude is merely a chance 
explanation in imitation of real travels. Hall makes no effort 
to force the reader's belief. 

Hall's originality is, however, more strikingly manifested 
in another aspect of his work. At only one point does he ap- 
pear actually to borrow material. "Prodigious men", he says, 
"inhabit the province of Codicia; swine-bodied beings, whom 
Ifansterus 11 ^ and I.landeville described" These people are to 

be a combination of those wild men of Liandeville who have no 
language but a grunt, and another who walk on all fours. 

110. Hall, Works , ed. 1859, pg. 11. 

111. Reproduced in Hall, Works , ed. 1839, vol. XII. 

112. Hall, vol. XII, pg. 52 : "ouicquid arrogent sibi Portigallen- 

ses in regionem disquisitionibus as longinquis perigrina- 
tionibus; puto veteres Gallos meritissimo posse laudem 
hanc, ut sibi propriam, vendicare : nam certe istic plurima 
invenimus Gallorum vestigia; sive locorum nomina, sive 
legum reliquas, vel denique numismatum spectes monumenta." 
115. Same, pg. 39: "Gynia Nova, quam alii corrupta voce Guineam 
appellant, ego vero Viraginiam, illic sita est, ubi 
geographi Europaei Psittacorum Terram depingunt." 

114. Minister, Sebastian, (189 - 1552) Cosmogrraphia Universalis , 

Basel, 1544. 

115. Hall, Works , vol. XII, ed. 1839, "Godiciensum Provinciam 

prodigiosi homines incolunt ; quos, norcina facie, Munsterus 
ac I.Iandevillanus depinxerunt . " 

116. Mandeville, Travels , ch. 19 and 27. 

Otherwise there appear to he no appropriati oris of matter fron 

the Travels . Professor Uphan- 1 - 17 thinks that Raholais furnished 

Hall with certain materials; but the parallels which ho cites 

are not very exact, and are sometimes even strained. A more 

reasonable suggestion on Professor Upham's part, however, is 

that Hall pot his satirical tone from tho great French author; 

but while it is true that the style and the manner of Hall's 

book often remind one of those of Rabelais', it must at the same 

time be renembered that the latter did not write a voyage irnagin - 

aire » Lucian would appear to be the most lively source from 

which Hall could have borrowed; but the Verae His toriae is a 

literary, not a moral, satire, and the adventures in the two 

books are in no cases similar. The contrast between the ITundus 

Alter et Idem and the Utopia is equally marked. More presented 

ideal conditions in contrast with the abuses of his time; Hall 

applied gross exaggeration to contemporary customs in order to 

show their folly. Basically, of course, their aims are the 

same the correction of evils, although More's satire is 


political and Hall's moral. It is the difference in method 

which is important. In 1607, for the first time, unless Camdens 
in his L' Isle E nchantee employed the same device, the voyage 
Inaginaire has been turned to the purposes of social satire; and 
it is worthy of note that when in the eighteenth century the type 

117. Upham, A. H. , French Influence in English Literature , pp. 

246 - 247. 

118. Canon Perry says in his article on Hall in the Dictionary 

of national Biography : "This strange composition, some- 
times erroneously described as a 'political romance', to 
which it bears no resemblance whatever, is a moral satire 
in prose, with a strong undercurrent of gibes at the 
Romish Church and its eccentricities". 


re assumes this purpose, its method ie not essentially difforent 
from that iised by Hall in his I.Tundus Alter et Idem. 


An author far different from the full-fed English Bishop 
of the Ilundus Alter et Idem is the Italian monk, Tomnaso Campan- 
ella, whose character in some respects presents a strange con- 
tradiction. Reared and educated in the fold of the Roman Church, 
a member of a clerical order, ho was, as one would suspect, an 
enthusiastic supporter of the Papal authority in temporal as 
well as in spiritual matters. To him the hierarchical government 
of the Vatican was an ideal; in contrast with it no other form 
had any advantage to offer. Yet curiously enough this orthodox 
Catholic appears as an equally ardent disciple of the new 
platonism of Renaissance Italy and as a vigorous opponent of the 
Aristot elf anism which for centuries had held the minds of men 
in thrall. Campanella was, moreover, a firm believer in the 
virtues of experimental science, and gave every encouragement 
to the movement away from the barrenness of deductive philosophy. 
How he reconciled his religious orthodoxy and his intellectual 
heresy can, perhaps, never be known for he seems not to have 
waged an open warfare in favor of his position as a whole; per- 
haps, also, he recognized, as he suggested at the end of the 
Civitas Solis , that what he regarded as the true part needed to 
be purged of its abuses and contradictions. His heretical 
opinions were sufficient to caiise his imprisonment at Naples 
where during his incarceration he gave expression to his views 
in the dialog known as the Civitas Solis . 


Although the book was composed in 1614, J " J "*' it was not 

published until 1620. " A new edition was issued in 1623; and 
in 1643 and again in 1680 it was reprinted and bound with Hall's 
Mundus Alter et I den and Bacon's New A tlantis , Further than 
this the work does not seem to have been widely popular; ad- 
ditional reprints are hard to find, and no English translation 
was made previous to that of Halliday for Ilorley's Ideal C ommon - 
wealths (lSGS). 1 ^ The reasons for this neglect are not far 
to seek. The Civitas Solis is not an interesting story; it has 
none of the feignin?? which makes the Utopia , for instance, at- 
tractive. There is no introductory conversation such as More 

used to give an insight into Hythloday's character and to whet 


the reader's curiosity; the dialog instead plunges directly 
into the discussion and omits any and all narrative and de- 
scriptive detail which might give life and interest to the story. 
Furthermore, while the Civitas Solis , like Plato's Republic 
and More's Utopia , is in dialog form, the conversation is much 

less one-sided than it is in the latter and much less dramatic 

than it is in either. " In fact, the Grand Ilaster, who acts 

as interlocutor, seems to exist for no other purpose than to ask 

119. The title of Biderman's Utopia (written 1602, published 

1640) is misleading; for the book is not a description of 
an ideal state, but a handbook of eloquence, containing 
a series of moral tales, jocose fables, and adventures. 

120. Prys says Andrae knew the Civitas Solis in manuscript be- 

fore 1619. See Held, Felix, Andreae 's Christ ianopolis , 
pg. 18. 

121. Morley, Ideal Comm onw ealths , pg. 8. 

122. The Givitas Solis ' begins : G.M. 'Prithee, now, tell me what 

to you happened during that voyage?' G-. C. 'I have already 
told you how I wandered over the whole earth.' 

123. It should be borne in mind that the conversation was sup- 

posedly heard in Antwerp and written down after IJore's 
return to England. 


obviously leading questions; and the remarks of the Cenoepe 
Captain are always direct replies to these. 1 *^ 4 The result is 
a stiff formality, much different from the intimate tone of 
Hythloday's gossipy talk. Finally, general interest no longer 
attaches to the problem of the temporal power of the Vatican. 
Even by 16 20 the doctrine had fallen upon evil and doubting 
times, especially in England where the hierachical government 
proposed by Campanella in his imaginary state worked, beyond 
doubt, against the popularity of the Civitas Solis . 

The description of the Civitas Solis is given to a Grand 
Master of the Knights Hospitallers by a Sea Captain, who says 
that, having reached Taprobane, he was compelled to go ashore. 
After he had landed and emerged from a wood, he was led up into 
the City of the Sun, a place inhabited by Hindus who fled from 
the persecution of the Magi. It is divided into seven con- 
centric circles, each defended by a wall so built as to render 
the capture of the successive fortifications progressively 
difficult. These walls, however, serve also a useful purnose. 
Both faces of them are adorned with paintings of various natural 
and artificial objects, by m^ans of which the youth of the City 
are instructed. On the exterior of the outer wall is a huce 
map of the world, with tablets inserted bearing descriptions of 
the various countries; the interior face is covered with geo- 
metric figures. The next has painted on its outward surface 
drawings of rivers, lakes, and seas, also representations of 
meteorological phenomena, and pictures of such products as oil 

124. See Note 122, this chapter. 


and wine, sample s of which stand in pots near by; the inner 
has upon it paintings of precious stones. The third wall pre- 
sents respectively on its exterior and interior faces aquatic 
and vegetable life, the latter being supplemented by growing 
plants placed in tubs along the base of the wall. The fourth 

has on one face pictures of insects, and on the other of 

birds, life-size. Both surfaces of the fifth are given over 
to representations of the fauna of the Earth. The sixth wall 
has on its outer face diagrams of mechanical devices, and on 
the inner protraits of 'all the inventors in science, in warfare, 
and in law". Each of the circles after the first is fitted up 
with palaces richly adorned and well lighted in which the in- 
habitants of the City live. There are no doors on the convex 
faces of the ground floors, probably as a protective measure in 
case of war; but along the inner faces arcades form agreeable 
and protected walks. 

The head ruler of Givitas Solis is Hoh ( I.letaphysic ) , who 

is assisted by a triumvirate composed of Pon (Power), Sin 


(7/isdom), and Mor (Love). tJ Of these Pon has jurisdiction 
over all things pertaining to war and peace; Sin over the arts 
and sciences; and Mor over the regulation of eugenic marriages 
which are arranged according to the strictest principles of 
selective breeding. This latter officer is assisted by a large 
corps of male and female magistrates. 127 The basis of the 

125. The irrelevant information is here given that the City 

possesses the only living Phoenix (Morley, pg. 223), a 
natural state of affairs if they had any Phoenix. 

126. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 221. 

127. Same, pg. 236. 


government is communism, all things being hold in "such a 

manner that no one can appropriate anything to himself". This 

abolition of private ownership is, however, now given a new 

explanation. With More and Plato communism appears to have had 

no other object than the proper satisfaction of the material 

needs of all the citizens. 7,'ith Camnanella the tmrnose is 

the destruction of self-love so that only a love of the state 

will remain. A materialistic end now becomes a uatriotic 

motive, but the devotion is to a heirarchical despotism in its 

sternest form. The communal lives which the inhabitants lead 

are, also, rather bestial, reminding one rather of the 

Republic than of the Utopia. The dining halls are managed much 

like those of More, except that "as in the refectories of monks, 

there is no noise". ^9 & s with Plato and Kore, the citizens 

condemn gold and silver ; mothers suckle their own children ; 

and complete equality exists between the men and the women so 

that they engage in the same tasks, wear similar garments, ^ 2 

and go into battle together. All work is honorable, although 

the cultivation of the arts and sciences is considered nobler 


than the execution of physical labor. Commerce is confined 

to slave trade with foreigners at the gates of the City, the 
slaves sold being those captives of war whom they themselves 

1E8. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pp. 231 and 236 for details. 

129. Same, pg. 232. 

130. Same, pg. 235. 

131. Same, pg. 234. 

132. More distinguishes between the dress of the men and women. 

In both the Utopia and the Civitas Solis boys and girls 
under the marriageable age wait at table • 

133. See Morley, pp. 231 - 232 for ordering of the arts. In 

general the lighter and sedentary tasks fall to the lot of 
the women; the heavier and more active labor to that of the 


cannot use. Another and noblertraf f ic iR that in ^oods of the 

mind, for they send many of their students abroad each year to 

become acquainted with the languages and culture of other 

countries. Their battle tactics remind one of those practiced 

by the Utopians; for they, too, pretend to flight, thus drawing: 

the enemy into a disorderly pursuit so that he may more easily 

be routed. Unlike Here's people, however, they have many 

foreign alliances, and have, also, developed destructive agencies 

to a marked decree. Other sciences have been likewise 

perfected; they can, for instance, renovate life after the 

seventieth year, and so commonly live to be one hundred and 

often two hundred years old. 

Their moral theory and practice are idealistic. The 

crimes and vices common to European countries are not found among 

them; and they execute no prisoners unless these can be brought 

to a reasoned com'iction of the justness of the sentence. In 

religion they believe in immortality, and "say the short prayer 


which Jesus Christ taught us". "They worship God in Trinity, 

saying God is supreme Power, whence proceeds the highest 7/isdom, 
which is the same with God, and from these comes Love, which is 
both Power and wisdom; but they do not distinguish persons by 
name, as in our Christian lav/, which has not been revealed to 
them".^-^ In philosophy they assert two physical principles : 
"that the Sun is the father, and the Earth the mother". Men are 

134. Llorley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 250. 

135. Same, pg. 249 - 250, gives other examples. 

136. Same, pg. 251. 

137. Same, pg. 263. How, then, do they come to know the Lord T s 



of God, and not of, but in tho universe, as, to uso Campanella ' s 


metaphor, "worms livo within us". In metaphysics that Being 


is the source of all pood, Non-Being of all evil and sin; 

and they "disbelieve in Aristotle, whom they consider a logician 

and not a philosopher". 140 This philosophic relip-ion presents 

a strange compound, which, as Campanella explains it, is not 

altogether clear; but -perhaps as he says; "This religion, when 

its abuses have been removed, will be the future mistress of the 


world, as prreat theologians teach and hope". 

In the composition of this work Campanella, like the 
other writers of Utopias, made free use of those ideal states 
which had preceded his. More's Utopia was issued by the Juntine 
Press at Venice in 1519, and may very well have been known as 
is suggested by the several parallels pointed out above, although 
there are, on the other hand, equally marked differences, as 
for instance, the attitudes of th<-» two nations toward sport and 
hunting. The Platonic element in the book is, however, open 
to no such doubt. As I have indicated, the dialog form is 
closely followed. There are, moreover, clear references to the 
Greek writer. Speaking of the allotment of wives, Campanella 
says: "Plato thinks this distribution ou^-ht to be made by lot". 
Again he writes*. "They agree with Plato, in whom I have read 
these same things". And while the author of the Republic is 

not mentioned in the following* passage, the source of the in- 

138. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pg. 262. 

139. Same, pp. 262 - 263. 

140. Same, pg. 261. 

141. Same, -pg. 263. 

142. ^ Same, pg. 236. Campanella then disagrees with Plato 

143. ' Same, pg. 239. 

epiration is unmistakable: "No one can exercise the function 
of a poet who invents that which is not true". Camnanella 
was, moreover, a follower of the new learning and a foe of 
scholastic Aris toteleanisrn. Finally one may ask if the arranpe- 
ment of Stiblin's city may not possibly suggested that of 
Canpanolla 1 s . However that may be it is safe to conclude that 
some of the details in the Givitas Solis Gampanella borrowed 
directly from More and others from Plato. 

Campanella should not, on the other hand, be considered 
entirely unoriginal . The Givitas Solis is, as von I.Iohl pointed 


out, the first description of an hierarchical Utopia ; and 
as such it is an exposition of the author's personal views. For 
Campanella, despite his heterodox philosophy, v/as a strictly 
orthodox Catholic, a most ardent champion of the temporal power 
of the Pope, and a firm believer in the superiority of the 
ecclesiastical to the civil jurisdiction. For him relipion was 
an inherent part of existence. In philosophy he held that the 
triune of Power, .Vill, and Knowledge constituted the content 
of consciousness; he also attacked Aristoteleanism, and supported 
the claims of experimental investigation in natural science. 
All these beliefs find expression in the Givitas Solis . Che 
government of the City is a form of absolutism in which Hoh, 
the chief magistrate, represents the highest temporal and 
spiritual authority ; 145 an ^ yi±8 subordinate officers (Pon, Sin, 
and Llor) , are not free agents, but his servants who only do his 

! 144. Von Mohl, G-eschichte und Literatur dc StaatsTrissenschaften , 
pg. 85; and Voigt, Soziale Utopien , pp. 65 - 74. 
145. Morley, Ideal Commonwealths, pg. 220 - 221. 


will and never trespass upon each other's fields of authority.^" 46 
The religious affiliations of Campanella are also shown by 
tho provision for silenoe at meals. The education of the youth 
by the observation of pictures on the wall and the marked ad- 
vances made in science are, likewise, obvious reflection? of 
Canpanella 1 s philosophical and scientific beliefs. The Civitas 
Solis , like ITore's Utopia , is , therefore, primarily a product 
of its author's own mind and is an evolution of his own inner 


convictions . 


The year 1619 saw appear at Strassburg the Heipublicae 

Christianopolis Descript io , commonly caller! the Christ ianopo lis , 

by Johann Valentine Andreae, a Swabian schoolmaster and preacher. 

It tells the story of an unnamed hero, who discouraged by the 

evil in the world, launched himself upon the Academic Sea "and 

ascending the good ship Phantasy " sailed away in the desire to 

find knowledge. His voyage was calm until "adverse storms of 

envy and calumny stirred up the Ethiopian Sea". 4:0 In the 

storm the ship was wrecked, very few surviving, the author 

"alone without a single companion (being) at length driven to 


a very minute islet, a mere piece of turf, as it seemed". 

146. Llorley, pg. £21, "Three princes of equal power 

assist him". 

147. The question of whether or not the Civitas Solis was 

written as a constitution for Naples depends upon the 
connection of Campanella with the revolution of 1599. 
But with scholars this is "much vexed question", and no 
answer has ever been given. For the explanation of Cam- 
panella T s philosophy see the articles on Campanella in 
the Encyclop e dia Britannica , eleventh edition, and A. 
Colenda, Fra Tommaso Campanella e la sua dottrina sociale 
e_ polit ica di fronte al socialismo moderno , 1895." 

148. Held, Felix, Andrea ' s " Christ ianapolis " , translation with 

an introduction, 1914" ch . I . 

149. Held, pg. 145. Ch. II- 


This place was called, as he afterward loarnod, Caphar Calama, 

and lay "in the Antarctic zone, 10° of the south pole, 20° of 

the equinoctial circlo, and 12° under the point of the bull".^"^ 

While he was drying his undershirt, he was discovered "by an 

inhabitant of the place and led into the city, which was founded 


by Religion, an outcast. There the hero was examined as to 


his person, morals, and culture; and the obvious comparisons 
with European society are drawn, for no "beggars, quacks, stage- 
players who have too much leisure, busybodies who worry un- 
necessarily in the details. of unusual affairs, fanatics who 
however have no feeling of piety, drug-mixers who ruin the 
science of chemistry, impostors who falsely call themselves 
brothers of the Rosicrucians , and other like blemishes of 
literature and true culture"^ 3 may enter into the community. 
w r ith chapter VII begins the description of the city 

1 r;/ 

itself. In the center is a circular temple, and around this 


is a series of four buildings ranged in concentric squares. 
The whole is protected by a great v/all and a wide moat well 
stocked with fish. 1 ^ 6 Within these walls* are carried on all the 
trades necessary for the maintenance of the population. The 
streets which separates the dwelling houses is twenty feet widel57 

150. Held, Felix, Andrea 1 f " Christ innoplis " , translation with an 

introduction^ 1914, Oh. II. Compare Hall, Mundus Alter 
et Idem , 7/orks , vol. XII, pg. 9. 

151. Ch. ITTT" 

152. Ch. IV, V, VI. 

153. Ch. IV. 

154. For detailed description of the temple see Ch. LXXXII. 

155. Compare the general arrangement of the Christianopolis with 

with that of the Civitas Solis and the Eudaemonensium 

156. Ch. VII. Compare Amaurote and Artocreopolis . 

157. Ch. XII. Compare the Utopia . 


and is bordered by sheltered promenades .1^0 

?he government of this model city is a rather vague and 
incomprehensible affair. The "central part of the city" is 
ruled by eight primary officials and eight subordinate ones, 
whose duty it is to admonish the citizens rather than punish 
then. 1 ^ In addition to these a triumvirate, each of whom is 
a wise and prudent man, governs the nation. Sometimes they 
consult together on questions of national safety, but usually 
each triumvir deliberates with his own senate. Lawsuits are 
settled by the tribunes; and thus the three officials can devote 
their whole tine to "questions of the truth of the Christian 
religion, the cultivation of virtues, the methods of irnrovinp 
the mind; also the need of treaties, war, nepot iati ons , build- 
ings, and supplies". 1 ^ To these rulers are added twenty-four 
councilmen chosen for their piety, honesty, and experience, 
whose chief business seems to be a correction of the present by 
an observation of the past."^" 1 " Just how these three groups 
keep from conflicting in the exercise of their duties is not 
made clear, nor is it pointed out what machinery is provided for 
putting their decrees into execution. In this vagueness, it 
may here be remarked, lies the great weakness of the Christian- 
opolis the author being interested in pious reflections on 
the evil of contemporary Europe, does not stick to his subject 
long enough for a clear development of it. 

158. Compare the Civitas Solis . 

[ 159. Ch. XXI. Compare the duties of the Priests in Utopia. 

! 160. Ch. XXVII. 

I 161. Ch. XCIII. 


The pietistic character of the author's state is further 


illustrated by his code of lav/s: 

"I. fa strive with all our strength to submit ourselves 
in all reverence and adoration to God, the one Founder 
and Ruler of the human race, and to prefer nothing in 
heaven or on earth to Him; to refer our life and all 
our actions to His srlory and to succeed with his aid. 

II. Wq strive never to provoke the holy name of God 
with any form of blasphemy, never to alienate it by 
grumbling, dishonor it by frivolity, neglect it on ac- 
count of laziness; and we strive to regard reverently 
the most holy mysteries of our salvation. 

III. 7/e strive to have leisure ever for our God, to 
rest from the confusions of the cravings of the flesh, 
to provide a quiet shrine for the Trinity, a pure dwell- 
ing place for our neighbor, breathing space for all 
creatures, to devote our time only to the divine Word. 

IV. we strive to preserve and practice love of parents, 
respect to our superiors, propriety to our equals, 
modesty toward those that have been trusted, labor for 
the republic, a good example to posterity, and to perform 
the duties of Christian love with mutual kindnesses. 

V. We strive to bridle our wrath, to restrain our im- 
patience, to value human blood, to forget revenge, to 
abhor jealousy, and carefully to imitate the very gentle 
heart of Jesus Christ. 

VI. We strive to shield the innocence of youth, the 
virginity of maidens, the purity of matrimony, the un- 
polluted restraint of widowhood, and to overcome luxury 
and intoxication with the temperance and fasting of the 

VII. 77 e strive to enjoy the goods entrusted to us by 
God, as diligently as possible, peacefully, properly, 
and with giving of thanks; to exercise the duties of ac- 
quisition and distribution as justly as possible, of 
employment modestly and of conversation safely. 

VIII. 7/e strive to propoxate the light of truth, the 
purity of conscience, the integrity of bearing testimony, 
freely and correctly, to reverence the presence of God 
at every time and every olace, to protect the innocent 
and to convict the guilty. 

IX. V/e strive to disturb nothing of another, nor to con- 
found divine with human things, to submit to our lot, to 
inhabit our dwellings peacefully, and to despise the so- 
journing place of the whole world. 

X. Y7e strive so to establish our intercourse that each 
one's property be given and preserved to him, and that no 
one would rather covet the affairs of another man than to 
put his own in order and devote them to the glory of 

God and the public safety". 

162. Ch. XXIX. 


[All analysis of these laws will reveal that they are in substance 
the Ten Commandment s of Moses, with the exception that the second 
commandment is omitted as being unnecessary and Law VII is sub- 
st 1 tuted. 

Since Christianopolis is, of course, a communistic state, 

some provision had to be made for the execution of the necessary 

labor. To this end all male citizens are required to do some 


sort of necessary work; and all the paupers and beggars who 

enter the country must, if they are physically able, also apply 

themselves to whatever labor may be assigned to them. Foreigners 

who come to visit the country are, nevertheless, entertained at 

public expense; and exiles are graciously received; but all 

strangers must undergo, in addition to the examination mentioned 


previously, a sanitary inspection, which, however, is no 
hardship since even the citizens themselves exercise full pre- 
cautions in this regard. In spite of this forced labor, life 
is not burdensome because, as in Utopia, the working hours are 


thereby reduced and an adequate leisure is afforded. Further- 
more, excessive exertion would gain the individual no benefit 
since all the furniture and houses are state owned and a man 
must move if so directed. ^® Food, also, is publicly distributed, 
an allowance of four dishes being made to a meal. Each family, 
however, eats at home; if there are guests they bring their own 

163. This fact escaped Dr. Held's notice. 

164. Gh. XXII. Compare More and Campanella. 

165. Ch. XCVII. 

166. Ch. X, LIII, XCV. 

167. Ch. XI. 

168. Ch. XXIII. Compare the Utopia . 




portions with them. The apred and the Pick are cared for at 

public expense, the nursing in most cases being done by married 

women or widows. I.larriage, which is prohibited before 


twenty-four with men and eighteen with women, is permitted 
only after parental consent has been pained. Widows and 
widowers may re-marry after the lapse of a year; during this 
period a woman returns to her family, a man eats with the 
neighbors. Similar as it is to the preceding Utopias in regard 
to most of these details, the Christ ianopolis is markedly unlike 
them in another. Plato, More, and Campanella all provided for 
the equality of women; Andreae with Teutonic and Christian con- 
tempt relegates them to the sphere of the home, and allows them 
no public occupation except that of school-teaching. 172 Child- 

"I 7<2 

bearing is their crowning glory. 

Education in Christ ianopolis is carried on in a college 

especially designed for this purpose. Outside its walls grow 

useful plants, while within the shrubs and flowers are planted so 

as to form different colored bands corresponding to the zones of 

heaven. Sex is an indifferent matter in the choice of teachers; 

dignity, energy, integrity, and generosity are the virtues sought; 
and instructors must, if they would retain their positions, show 
that they have imparted these qualities to the young. The 
students are divided into three vaguely defined classes: the 

169. Ch. XV. 

170. Ch. XCVI and XCVIII: compare More* 8 hospitals. 

171. Ch. LXXXVIII. 

172. Ch. LXXXIX. 

173. Ch. XC. 

174. Ch. XCIV. 


children, the youths, and the nature minds. 17 *' Three prinoiplei 

are the basis of al l' education -- worship, morality, wisdom. 176 

The instruction is carried on in part "by pictures and in part 

by mechanical aids;-*- 77 but unfortunately Andreae does not de- 


scribe these "short cuts in memorising". The collefe itself 

is divided into ten departments, each of which gives instruction 
in certain specified subjects. The first leaches grammar, in- 
cluding Hebrew, Greek, and Latin; oratory with emphasis on 
naturalness; and languages, ancient and modern, to the end that 
they may be spoken. 179 The second gives instruction in lo<?ic 
as related to the truth; metaphysics as it is concerned with the 
true, the good, the beautiful, the unified, and the orderly; 
and theosophy, which begins where human knowledge fails. -^0 The 
third offers for consideration arithmetic, geometry, and mystic 

numbers. Music, as represented in the vocal, the instrumental, 

1 op 

and the choral, is studied in the fourth department; astronomy 


and astrology in the fifth. In the sixth the student pursues 

natural science, true national history, and church history. 

The seventh offers a course in ethics as a guide to conduct, in 


government, and in Christian poverty. In the eighth theology 

175. Ch. LIII. Punils begin attending at the ape of six. 

176. Gh. LIV. 

17 7. Gh. XLVIII; compare the Givitas Solis . 

178. Ch. L. 

179. Gh. LV - LVII. 

180. Ch. LVII I - LX. 

181. Gh. LXI - LXIII. 

182. Ch. LXIV - LXVI. 

183. Ch. LXVI I - LXVIII. 

184. Ch. LXX - LXXII. 

185. Ch. LXXII I - LXXV. Students of Christian poverty "prefer 

simplicity to intelligence, ignorance to knowledge, silence 
to eloquence, humility to dignity, credulity to shrewdness, 
want to abundance, studying to teaching, bearing to doing; 
and whatsoever things are considered lowly on earth, pro- 
vided they are harmless, these they desire". 

■ ■ 113 

and theological practice are studied, as well as the methods of 

examining and testing prophecy. 186 3ecular branches are taught in 

the ninth and tenth departments, the first of which is devoted to 


the study of medicine, and the second to that of jurisprudence* 

The latter study, however, becomes merely a commentation on the 

Roman Code since there is no law in Christ ianopolis and the lawyers 


serve only as scribes. 

The important part of the Christ ianopolis, however, is the 
description of the religious life of the community; for Andreae, 
despite Dr. Held's resentment of the term "pietist", 189 was a very 
religious man, and his system of education is almost wholly de- 
signed for the inculcation of Christian morals. The very atmos- 
phere of his city is charged with goodness. "All haughtiness and 


pride are banished from his place", he writes. "Gluttony and 

drunkeness are entirely unknown", he says elsewhere. 191 But that 

no moral corruption may intrude into the lives of the people all 

associations between youths and mature persons are constantly 

watched, presumably that Sodomistic practices may not thrive - 

Morality as represented by formal religion is founded upon 

a code similar to the one already cited as the basis for the civil 

19 2 

law. It reads as follows: 

"I. We believe with our whole heart in one Triume God, 
very good, very wise, great and everlasting: the Father, 

186. Ch. LXXVI - LXXVI II. Theology is divided into five branches: 

study of Biblical language, imitation of it, apologetics, 
religious discourse, and method of adjusting religious 
dif fe rences . 

187. Ch. LXXIX. 

188. Ch. LXXX. 

189. Held, Introduction , pg. 15. 

190. Ch. VI" 

191. Ch. IX. 

192. Ch. XXVI II. 


who created the world out of nothing, preserves, moves, 
and directs the same, whose ministers are pood anpels, 
apainst whom the condemned Satan is rebellious, whose 
doli-Tht is man, once the divine imare and nrince of the 
world, to whom sin is hateful, whose interpreter of all 
wisdom and summary of all uprightness is the scriptures, 
and whose love, through the piving of His Son, is most 
open and kind . 

II. ',7e believe with a whole heart in Jesus Christ, the 
Son of God and Mary, co-equal with the Father yet like 
us, our Redeemer, united as to personality in two natures 
and communicating in both, our Prophet, Kinp, and Priest, 
whose law is prace, whose scepter is that of peace, 
whose sacrifice, that of the cross. 

III. .7e believe in the same regeneration of the Spirit, 
the admission of sin, even the brotherhood of our flesh 
with Him and in Him, and the restorinp to dipnity, lost 
by the fall of Adam. 

IV. We believe that by His life, sufferinp, and death 
He has piven satisfaction to the justice of God, that 
mercy has been merited, the same has been brought to us 
through the Gospels, given over to our faith, intrusted 
to the purity of life, and that thence the dominion of 
sin v/as crucified, destroyed, and buried. 

V. V/e believe that the kingdom of hell and the poison 
of death has been destroyed, and that in the victory of 
the resurrect ion, security has been restored to us under 
the care of God. 

VI. i'/e believe the kingdom of Christ is infinite and 
eternal, where He is present to His Church at the right 
hand of the ^ather Omnipotent, Omnipresent, and that he 
feeds, keeps, and quickens her spiritually with his 
V/ord, even as He does literally with flesh and blood. 

VII. 7;e believe His supreme judgment, which he shall 
pronounce upon men, rood and evil, with highest majesty, 
and shall distinguish the just from the unjust most 

VTTI. We believe with our whole heart in the Holy Spirit, 
our Comforter and Teacher, by whom v/e are sanctioned, en- 
livened, and equipped, after we go to freedom to doinr 
good, by whom we are made wise beyond nature, armed 
against nature, and put at peace with her; by whom we 
grow warm, are united and divided into laneruages; by 
whom we see and hear the past, present, and future 
properly correlated; by whom we look into the V. r ord of 


X. We believe in a holy, universal church, purified 
n'the water of baptism from infancy, and fed by the 
communion of the eucharist, thus guarded with the seal? 
of the new covenant, taught in the ministry of the '"ord, 
disciplined with the cross, ready to serve in prayers, 
active in charity, generous in communion, powerful in 
excommunication, which thourh distributed over the earth, 
the unity of faith joins, the diversity of gifts 
strengthens, Christ, the Bridegroom and Head, renders 
invincible, and which the standing of the different 
classes and the purity of marriage embellish. 

X. We believe in the free forgiveness of all sins through 
the ministry of the Word, and in the obligation of our 
gratitude and obedience on account of this. 

XI. We believe in the general resurrection of the human 
flesh, so much desired by the faithful that on account of 
it the- particularly love a natural death; so formidable 
to the wicked that on account of it they consider the 
natural life to be accursed. 

XII. We believe in an eternal life by which we shall 
obtain perfect light, ability, quiet, plenty, knowledge, 
and joy; by which also the malice of Satan, the impurity 
of the world, the corruption of men shall be checked; 

by which it shall be well with the #ood, and evil with 
evil-doers, and the visible glory of the Holy Trinity 
Bhall be ours forever." 

Religious meetings are held every Sunday at which the 

Presbyter explains some portion of the Scriptures, and every 

Ve Inesday v/hen the Diaconus, or assistant, interprets the 

principles of religion. The services are simple, and unseemly 

conduct or sleeping during them is considered a sin. 193 The 

Lutheran hymns are preferred, although any others may be used.^ 9 ^ 

In addition to these semi -weekly gatherings, public prayer 

is made thrice each day, attendance at which is compulsory upon 

all, even the babies, unless exceptional business demands inter- 

fere. Leisure time, also, is not infrequently employed in 

193. Gh. LXXXIV. 

194. Gh. LXXXV. 

195. Gh. XIV. 


religious meditation, affliction of the flesh, or charitable 
vi."tation. 196 Only two sacraments are celebrated communion 
and baptism; 157 the latter of these is administered at birth 
unless the child is ill, but even if it dies unbaptized, the 
blood of Christ has power to atone for its guilt. 199 Confession 
may be made to anyone of the devout. 198 '.Fhile the religion of 
the Christianopolis is r>rotestant, an excommunication as terrible 
as that of the Catholic Church lights upon the wicked who there- 
upon "suffer the wrath of Cod, ban of the church, disgust of 
the state, and the abhorrence of every good man". 200 Should the 
sinner persist in his evil ways, banishment is his doom. The 

good die firm in their faith in God, confiding their last 

wishes to a friend. The dead are clad in white robes and 

buried amid the joyous singinp- of psalms. There is no mourning; 

and no epitaph is graven on the iron cross which marks the 

resting place; but if a man has been especially worthy, his 

name is entered upon the state records; otherwise his only 


monument is in the memory of man. 

For this book Dr. Felix Held claims complete originality 

and extended influence. The second of these can best be 

196. Ch. XVII. 

197. Ch. LXXXVI. "The sacraments are administered as instituted 

by Christ and according to the rites of the early church; 
freiuently, because of their value; reverently, on ac- 
count of their hie-h dignity; elaborately, because they are 
observed by the devout." 

198. Ch. XC. 

199. Ch. LXXXVI I. cf. More 'a Utopia . 

200. Ch. LXXXVI I. Compare the Utopia . 

201. Ch. XCIX. Since there is no private property, there are, 

of course, no wills. 
2C2. Ch. C. Compare belief of Utopians. 

203. Held, Introduction , pg. 15: It is the purpose of this in- 
vestigation to prove 1) That the Christianopolis is not 
a copy or direct imitation of earlier Utopias, but an 


discussed in connection with works to be considered later. Here 
it may, however, be pointed out that while More's Utopia , Camp- 
anella's Givitas Solis , Bacon's Hew Atlantis , and Hall's Ivlundus 
Alter et Idem were undergoing successive reprints, the Christian - 
opolis appears not to have been reissued, and was, moreover, 
not translated into the author's native German until over one 
hundred years after its first edition. And no English version 
is known before Dr. Held's own in 1914. In further support 
of these facts I quote Dr. Held himself: "The immediate effect 
of the Christianopolis in Germany as not so great as might have 
been expected; it did not become the pattern for other works of 
a similar nature, nor was its publication received with startling 
enthusiasm". Yet we are asked to believe that to such a book 
by a man "with only local reputation" 20 ^ England owes Bacon's 
New Atlantis . Gott's Nova Solyma , and in a large measure the 
Royal Academy] 

The distinctive originality of Andreae's work may 
also be seriously questioned. Dr. Held after examining the 
critical opinion on the subject concludes speciously: "It is 
hardly reasonable that the Descriptio should be an exact copy 

independent and original production. 2) That a close 
comparison of the Ohristianopolis with Bacon's l.e - 
Atlantis shows some striking similarities in form an<^ 
content; and that external circumstances, also, make 
a knowledge of the Christianopolis on the part of Bacon 
extremely probable. Z] That Nova Solyma , a Utopia ap- 
pearing anonymously in 1648, attributed (1902) by the 
Rev. Walter Begley to John Milton, but since shown to be 
the work of Samuel Gott, shows direct influence of the 
Christianopolis . And 4) that the principles of a college 
reformation in education and the plan of a "college" as 
outlined in the Christianopolis and other works of 
Andreae, were an important factor through J. A. Comenius, 
Samuel Hartlib, John Dury, and their associates, in the 

««, founding of the Royal Society of London". 

204. Held, Introduction, pg. 75. * 


of both More and Campanella, especially as the productions of 
these two differ in many respects from each other", 205 This 
is a sweeping and unjustified statement, for the Utopia and the 
Civitas Solis do have basic points in common. Both More and 
Campanella aim, like Plato, to create ideal commonwealths having 
no actual existence; both, like Plato again, find the ideal in 
a strongly centralized government; both, like Plato still, make 
Wkto end- of that government the welfare of the individual citizen; 
and both, like Plato once more, see in communism of property 
and the just allottment of labor the means to the desired end. 
These al so » are elements in "the Christianopolis . Even Andreae f s 
great variation from these of his predecessors is not dissimilar 
to the changes they themselves made when they borrowed. Plato, 
a philosopher, emphasized the soul-life; More, a politician, 
government; Campanella, an orthodox catholic, hierarchical govern- 
ment; and Andreae, a schoolmaster and preacher, education and 
religion. Seventy years before Andreae f s birth an Englishman 
had recognized in the Utopia a medium for expressing doctrinaire 
Tiews; and five years before Andreae wrote his Christianopolis 
an Italian had done the same. Basically Andreae 1 s book is 
an imitation of More f s and Campanella^, and through them the 
genealogy may be traced back to Plato, whom Dr. Held complacently 
ignores. 206 For proof of More's failue to influence Andreae 
there are cited: the difference in the shape of the islands, in 

205. Held, Introduction , pg. 20. 

206. Andreae certainly must have known Plato, for he makes pro- 

vision for the teaching of Greek in the Christianopolis 
(ch. LVII) and was interested in the humanistic movement 
(See Held, Introduction , ch. I). 


in the dimensions of them, in the number of cities, in the form 
of government, in the manner of eating, in the attitude toward 
slavery, in the disposal of the dead, and in the ethical stand- 
ards. 207 I have, on the other hand, pointed out in my notes, 
eight resemblances in detail between More and Andreae, and four 
between Campanella and Andreae. Moreover, in having only one city 
Andreae is imitating Campanella so that the number of independent 
details cited by Dr. Held is reduced to seven. And no great 
ingenuity is required to change dimensions. Furthermore, the 
shape of Andreae T s island is not original with him; Hall says 


that "Pamphagonia is triangular in shape, like the letter delta". 
If Dr. Held had known, or not ignored the Mundus Alter et, 
he would also have learned that both Hall and Andreae sailed 
in the "good ship Phantasy " . that both went to the "Mare Ethiopi- 
cum", and that Ghristianopolis and the Mundus are adjacent coun- 
tries. If, furthermore, Dr. Held had examined Mr. Begley's 
edition of the Nova Solyma more carefully he would have found 
that Caspar Stiblin anticipated Andreae by just sixty-four years 
in the description of an ideal state with an evangelical religion 
and a strict code of morality. 2 ^ These citations may not prove 

£07. Held, Introduction , pg. 20. "The ethical standards through- 
out hardly admit of comparison". This is a siiperficial 
conclusion. Adultery does not exist in Utopia. But if 
the inhabitants of Christianopolis are so perfectly good, 
why are the associations of youths and maturer persons so 
carefully supervised, why is their provision for excom- 
munication? Personally, I should much rather dwell in 
Utopia with all its adulterers than in Christianopolis 
with its psalm-singing Puritans. 

208. Mundus Alter et Idem . Bk. I, Ch. 2. "Pamphagonia triquetra 

fare est, figura deltali". 

209. He does not include it in the Bibliography , pp. 126 128. 

210. Nova Solyma . ed. 1902, vol. II, pg. 565. 3tiblin T s book 

was printed at Basle, 1555. 


Andreae a borrower; but they do establish a strong probability 

against that complete originality maintained for him by Dr. Held. 

Dr. Hold's further disagreements with accepted critical 

opinion are also open to doubt. His enthusiasm for things German 

has, first of all, led him into an over-estimate of Andreae f s 

literary qualities which, when looked at in an impartial 

light, are seen to be nothing more than commonplace. Not only 

is the governmental form of Christianopolis, as I have pointed 

out, vaguely portrayed; but even the description of the edu- 
cational system is so scant in its detail as to afford no clear, 
exact, or practical notion of its workings. This same lack of 
definiteness extends to almost all the details discussed so that 
after reading the book one is forced to agree with von Mohl when 

he says: Andreae 1 s "imagination was not vivid enough to embody 


his conceptions in forms of living reality". ° In the second 

place Dr. Held disregards the plain facts when he insinuates that 


the Christianopolis is not in any way allegorical. How far 
the allegory might be traced can only be said after an elaborate 
and special study; but that it does exist none can deny. The 
hero is not an embodied traveller as were Hythloday and the 
Genoese Captain; he is a fugitive from sophistry, tyranny, and 
hypocrisy 215 who finds refuge in a city built by Religion, her- 
self an outcast. He sails in the ship Phantasy upon the 

211. Held, Introduction , pg. 40. 

212. See pg. , this chapter. 

213. Von Mohl, vol. I, pg. 188: "Seine Einbildingskraf t war 

nicht bildkr&ftig genug, urn seine Lehre in lebendinger 
Gestalte zu verkBrpen". 

214. Held, Introduction , pg. 25 ff. 

215. Ch. I. 

216. Ch. III. 

Aoademio Sea, and is wrecked "by storms of envy and calumny" 

in the "Mare Aethiopicum" , which Dr. Held inconsistently with his 

theory interprets as "the Sea of Ignorance". 217 Within the city 

the triumvirate is allegorical. The Presbyter is married to 

Conscience; and the Judge, who is assisted by Measure, is wedded 

to Understanding; while the Director of Learning has Truth to 

wife. The decrees of this body are announced by a Chancellor who 

bears the suggestive name of Tongue, and who is married to a 

Pi fi 

Puritanical lady called Moderation. Finally, Flattery is 


made the author of secular history. " If this be not allegory, 
there is no meaning in the term. 

With this data before us we must conclude either that 
Dr. Held has warped the evidence, or that he has ignored the 
facts. The Ghristianopolis is not, as he claims, an entirely 
original production. Its originality is of the kind exhibited 
by More and Gampanella — the adaption of an old form to a new 
purpose, and it may well be doubted whether Andreae was an in- 
novator even in this respect since Stiblin's book appears to 
contain the germ of all the Ghristianopolis. For every varia- 
tion in detail, moreover, a similarity seems to exist as a counter 
balance. The voyage imag-inaire had, also, been turned to satiric 
purposes other than political some years before 1619. Finally, 
the Ghristianopolis does bear incontrovertible marks of an 
allegorical nature. The sweeping conclusions of Dr, Held, based 

217. Gh. I. This term, however, seems to have been in general 

use as desiynatin the ocean about the Cape of Good Hope. 
Godwin and Hall so apply it. 

218. Ch. XXX - XXXVIII inclusive. 

219. Ch. XL I. 

they are upon an obviously insufficient examination of the 
case, must, then, be received with distrust, if not with sus- 

Yet however unoriginal Andreae may appear when his 
Christianopolis is viewed as a step in the historical develop- 
ment of the voyage imaginaire , something must still be said in 
his favor. The book is clearly an expression of those ideals 
.which lay nearest his heart. Dr. Held has traced, with accuracy 
I presume, the various activities in which at different times 
this forgotten author, preacher, and schoolmaster was concerned, 
and which, no doubt, are, in part at least, responsible for 
some of the provisions in his Utopia, His own study in the field 
of language — for he v/as an accomplished linguist, reading with 
facility Hebrew, Greek, Latin, German, Italian, Spanish, French, 
and English — doubtless suggested the remarks which he makes 
on the teaching of those subjects. There can, furthermore, be 
no question that his work at Calw, where as Dekan and Superintend- 
lint he instituted educational reforms and founded a workingmen's 
mutual protective association which still exists, was also 
fruitful not only in specific suggestion but in inspiration as 
well when he came to write his Christianopolis. 3o while one 
cannot grant Dr. Held f s over-enthusiastic claims for the origin- 
ality of the book, one must agree that again the utopia is an 
outgrov/th of the author 1 s character and life, not mere theory 
divorced from personal feeling and experience. 


Par different from this idealistic German schoolmaster 
was an intensely practical, yet far-seeing, English contemporary 


jwho also embodied his dreams of intellectual achievement in a 
L-deecription of an ideal state. Francis Bacon was as devoted to 
the cause of empiric philosophy as Andreae was to that of re- 
ligious and educational reform; and although environment and ed- 
ucation forced him durinp: many years to give up his energies to 


politics so that not until public disgrace overtoo^ as it pos- 
sible for him to find the leisure requisite for expressing his 
views in the II ew Atlantis , the record of this interest can be 
traced from the very beginning of his career. In the Conference 

Of Pleasure (1592) he says: "Shall we not discern as well the 


riches of nature T s warehouse as the beauties of her shop?" 
The same idea occurs in the Devices (1592 - 1595). The Gesta 
Grayorum (1594) suggests a "definite plan of work": first, a 
general library to contain all ancient and modern philosophical 
treaties; second, a garden in which all sorts of plants shall 
be cultivated in all kinds of soils, and which shall be sur- 
rounded by a zoological pavilion and an aquarium housing all 
manner of beasts, birds, and fish; third, a museum of mechanical 
arts; and fourth, a chemical laboratory. His letter to Essex 
in 1595, furthermore, expresses a desire to give himself up to 
philosophical research rather than to legal study. And "the 
only piece of autobiography in which he ever indulged" gives in 
1603 additional testimony to Bacon 1 s interest in experimental 
science. To the evidence furnished by these scattered statements 

220. The material and quotations used in this paragraph are 
taken from the Introduction to Mr, G. C. Moore Smith 1 s 
edition of the New Atlantis , 1900, pp. xii - xvii. The 
date of composition is 1623'; that of the first printed 
edition was 1626 or 1627. 


past be added that of such monumental works as tho Novum Organum 
land the De Instauratio . Throughout his life Bacon's chief in- 
tellectual desire was the establishment in actuality or just such 

a college as that which he portrays in the pae-es of the New 

ll further shown 
Atlantis ; and his powerful imagination^in such a work as the 

Advancement of Learning in which he conceives .all knowledge to 
have been mastered. 

The New Atlantis (1626) is the first Utopia to be 
written in English, More having used the Latin tongue. Its pop- 
ularity was immediate. Before the end of the century thirteen 
reprints had been issued, and a French translation was made in 
1636. As in the voyages imaginaires so far discussed the narra- 
tion is in the first person, the tale being related by a traveller; 
but unlike More and Campanella Bacon has no suggestion of dialog. 
The manner of the telling is plain description as employed by 
Godwin, Hall, and Andreae. There is, also, some suggestion of 
later narrative method, especially in the opening passage which 
tells of the storm. Otherwise, the book is, as far as method 
is concerned, similar to other relations of imaginary states. 

The story runs as follows. The ship, sailing from 
Peru to China, was hampered by a head-wind, but a sudden shift in 
the breeze carried it toward the north 221 where the provisions 

I began to fail, when land was descried, and the course immediately 
laid for it. With the dawn they entered the harbor on the shores 

; of which stood the fair city of Bensalem; but no landing was 

i permitted until it was ascertained that none of the crew had any 

| 2£l^ More's Utopia and Bacon 1 s New Atlantis both lie in the South 
Sea. See Morley, Ideal Commonwealths , pp. 55, 171 - 172, 
and 177. The Introduction to Mr. G. C. Moore Smith's ed- 
ition of the New Atlantis , 1900, is valuable. The collection 
of Bacon's Works by Spedding, Ellis, and Heath, 7 vols., 
_1854 - 1859 is als.0 wfnl. - 

y = iw 

Hnfeotlous or contagions disease, that they were not pirates, 
and that they had shed no human blood within forty days. Even 
then they were kept in quarantine after coming on shore; for the 
well, however, this detention lasted only three days, but after 
the release they were not allowed to pass more than a mile and 
a half beyond the city walls without a special permit. While 
they were still under confinement, the priest (for the Atlanteans 
are Christians) visited them. From him they learned that the 
conversion of the island to the true faith was the result of a 
miracle. Some twenty years after Christ 1 s ascension, according 
to the legend, there was borne to the shores of lew Atlantis a 
chest which contained the canonical books of the Old and Uew 
Testaments together with a letter from 3t. Bartholomew. On the 
following day this same person told them how it happened that 
the country of Uew Atlantis was unknown to the rest of the world. 
It appears that in the ancient days "China also, and the great 
| Atlantis (that you call America), which have now but junks and 
I canoes, abounded then in tall ships". But the people of America 
having grown proud made two expeditions, one against the European 
settlements on the Mediterranean Sea as recorded in Plato and 
another toward the New Atlantis. No sure news ever came back 
concerning the fate of the first; but the second, having suffered 
defeat, was completely destroyed by a mighty storm on their re- 
turn journey. Afterward all the lowlands of America were sub- 
I merged under forty feet of water for many days until only a few 
inhabitants survived of the once numerous race. Since then the 
I Mew World has been a sparsely populated and savage country. In 
■ Europe and Asia, also, there was, for some unexplained reason, 

L deoay in navigation at this very time. Thus few long voyage 

bein taken, not many ships touched at Jew Atlantis; ani the 

Lrews of those which did usually availed themselves of the op- 


por tunity to remain in a perfect society. Furthermore, the 
Atlanteans carry on no foreign commerce; but they gain a knowl- 
edge of the outside world by dispatching every year twelve ships 
on each of which travel three fellows from Solomon* s House, 
whose duty it is to remain abroad until the next journey, ac- 
quainting themselves with all the culture and sciences of the 
countries they visit. This Solomons House, 223 which is named 
after King Solomon of the Bible, was founded by Salomona who 
ruled Hew Atlantis "about 1900 years ago". It is not a school 
or a college in the ordinary sense; it is rather an academy 
.directing scientific research on an elaborate and magnificent 
scale. 224 

After the release from quarantine two of the party were 

bidden to "a feast of the family", an honor accorded to any 


father who has thirty living children. *" In the meantime the 
author had fallen in with a Jew who voices some curious but in- 
consequential sentiments concerning the Christian religion, and 

who also praises the morals of the nation. "There is not", 


he says, "under heaven so chaste a nation as this". J "Then 
are no stews, no dissolute houses, no courtesans, or anything 

222. Only thirteen have refused to stay. Morloy, pg. 189. 

223. Same, pg. 220. Morley prints Salomon for Solomon , and 

Solomon for Solomono . The second word of each pair is 
taken from pg. 286 of The Moral an d His to rical 7.' o rks of 
Lord Bacon , 1852, er 1 . Devey, Joseph. G. G. W. Smith 
follows the Llorley version. 

224. Morley, pg. 202 - 213 for a list of the experiments. 

225. Same, pg. 192 - 196 for a description of the ceremony. 

226. Same, pg. 187. 

Of that kind", ho continues. I.larriago is encouraged; and to 

prevent any deception both bride and groom are observed secretly 

by friends as they bathe in a pool provided for that nurpose. 227 

Wedlock may not be entered into until at least a month after 

the first meeting, and if marriage is contracted without the 
consent of the parents, the children born of the union can in- 
herit only one-third of their father's wealth, The book, which 
ie unfinished, ends with a circumstantial account of the arrival 
in the town of a Father of the Solomon's House, and his descrip- 
tion of the experiments carried on by the fraternity. 

In his consideration of the Hew Atlantis Dr. Held again 
raises the banner of Andreae, this time to proclaim his influence. 
His first effort is directed tov/ard establishing a connection 
between Andreae and Bacon through the medium of four men 
Casaubon, ! ,Ye*ckherlin, Sir Henry 7otton, and Sir Toby Matthew; 
but the only one of these whom he can get into a known contact 
with Andreae is '.ygckherlin who was in the lav; school at Tubingen' 

while Andreae was studying theology there, and who was secretary 


to a friend of Andreae. But after all his search Dr. Held 

can create no more than a probable relation. He has no clean 
out facts. The verdict mist be "not proved". The second task was 
to find parallels between the Chris tianopol is and the Hew Atlantis . 
The first of these he discovers in the literary form, i. e., the 
casting aside of the dialog form; 2 * 50 but, as I have pointed out, 

227. Morley, pg. 198. Compare More's Utopia . 

220. Same, pp. 199 - 200. 

229. Held, Introduction , pp. 47 - 54. 

230. Same, pg. 55. 

flail had already done this in 1607. And the I.lundus Alter et 
Idem was popular. Besides Kore's Utopia is, as far as manner 
of narration goes, a more striking parallel to the Hew Atlantis 


than is the Chris tianopolis . A second similarity is the storm, w 
but surely such a commonplace detail might have been appropri- 
ated from any of the numerous travel books printed at that 


time. ^ There is. Dr. Held also claims, a strong resemblance 

in the religious life of the two communities, and especially 

in the introduction of Christianity. 233 But Christianopolis 

was founded by Religion as a Christian state to be a refuge from 

religious persecution; Hew Atlantis was converted by a miracle, 

and not all the inhabitants of the New Atlantis are Christians. 

Andreae, furthermore, centered his work about the Christian 

life and strongly emphasised religious practices; Bacon did not, 

and what he might have done had he completed the fragment none 

can tell. There is, however, no evidence to show that he 

meditated giving religion the foremost position; while there is 

proof that he meant to append a code of civil laws . Nor can 

any paralleism be shown by the fact that the -people in ITew 

Atlantis swear by Jesus Christ since any normal Christian mip*ht 

be expected to do so. Equally rash is Dr. Held's assumption 

that because there is a feast given to the father of thirty 
children all meals are eaten in private. As a matter of 

fact nothing is said on this point one way or the other. Sanita- 

231. Held, Introduction , pg. 55. 

232. Hakluyt's Voyage sT appe are d in 1598 - 1600. 

233. Held, Introduction , pg. 56. 

234. Same, pg. 58. 

235. Same, pg. 60. 

tion, moreover, appears in all Utopias; it is not Andreae's 


exclusive property."" 30 And More suggested scientific agri- 
culture over one hundred years before Andreae wrote. Dr. Held 's 

greatest claim is that Bacon borrowed the idea of Salomon's 


House from his German contemporary. It is true that both 

Christ ianopolis and New Atlantis support elaborate academies; 
but in them is a fundamental difference. Andreae's purpose 
is the imparting of knowledge, especially religious and ethical 
knowledP-e; Bacon's is the discovery of scientific truth. Andreae 
includes both speculative and experimental studies with the 
emphasis on the former; Bacon has only the latter. The English 
philosopher, moreover, from his youth onward and in all his works, 
some of which appeared before any of Andreae's, supporter 1 the 
cause of empiricism. '.Thy, then, shall we be asked to go afield 
in order to discover his sources in a book whose "immediate 
effect in Germany was not so great as might have beer- 
expected", which "did not become a pattern for other works of 
a similar nature", whose publication was received with no 
"startling enthusiasm", and whose author was "not as yet known 

as a writer and had only a local reputation as a man of ability 


and knowledge of social and religious conditions"? 

The author of the New Atlantis should not, however, be 
exalted as entirely original. He had behind him the Utopian 
heritage which could not but affect him. Both More and Plato 
are mentioned indirectly in the book, and the three day's en- 

236. Held, Introduction , pg. 63. 

237. Same, pp. 64 - 71. 

238. Same, pg. 75. In his Bibliography there is listed only one 

work of Andreae's before the Christ ianopolis and one after; 
the latter is an autobiography. 


tertainment at the Stranrers ' :Touse and the travellinr fellows 
are strongly reminiscent of Campanella. Like each of these nen, 
however. Bacon reshaped the form to suit his own ends; and 


hence in the New Atlanti s we have an imaginary state drawn 
to exhibit an ideal of scientific research, although it appears 
that a set of laws was to be included. But one new element 
Bacon did introduce into the utopia. Heretofore there had been 
no attempt to keep the knowledge of the state from the world. 
The Utopians and the inhabitants of Givitas Solis carried on 
trade with foreign nations; the dwellers in Christ ianopolis 
invited the author to return with his friends. The Atlanteans, 
on the other hand, have no commercial intercourse with alien 
peoples; and even intellectual relations are established secretly 
and with no idea of reciprocal exchange. Those persons who by 
chance find out the country are bribed to remain. This may 
have been with Bacon merely a variation of llore's trick to pain 
verisimilitude; but later, in such works as L 'Histoire des 
Sverambes , peques Sodom , and L ' Isle Inconnue , it developed into 
the motif of an asylum. 


In 1637 appeared the i^udemia of Janius Cicius Srythraeus? 40 
The book is a satire upon contemporary manners, based like Hall's 

239. Bacon's devotion to empiric philosophy is too well known to 

need comment. As early as 1595 in a letter to Essex he 
"expressed a wish to retire from the practice of law and r 
to devote himself to philsophy", says S. R. Gardiner in his 
article on Bacon in the Dictionary of national Biography ; 
and the titles of many of his works are a sufficient in- 
dication of his interest in the field. 

240. I have been unable to secure this book except in summary by 

Mr. Begley, Nova Solyma , vol. II, pp. 369 - 379. The 
author's real name was Giovanni Vittorio Rossi. The work 
is, of course, in Latin. Mr. Begley thinks it was in- 
fluenced in style by Barclay T s Argenis and Petronius ' 
r ^atyricon. IJaude connects it with I.Iore's Utopia. 

upon the discovery of a new country, but one which, unliko 
Hall's, is unknown to nan. The island is found by two younr 
Romans, who, having concerned themselves in the consniracy of 
Se Janus, were forced to flee and were shipwrecked upon the 
coast of Eudemia, the largest island in the Mauritania group. 
Interwoven in the satire is a love episode. Olinda falling in 
love with Philotas disguised herself as a boy and followed 
him. Unfortunately she drew upon herself the affection of a 
wanton widow, and to escape from the dilemma committed suicide. 
This introduction of a love episode into the voyage imaginairc 
is important not only because it is the first, but also because 
it sets a fashion which was followed by later authors. Also 
worthy of note is the reappearance of the picaresque hero who 
had been suppressed since 0-odwin; but in the Eudenia the se- 
quence between the crime and the shipwreck is closer, whereas 
in Todwin the nutting to sea is a commercial venture and the 
hero is nut on shore because of ill health. 

Three years later a certain R. H. published a continua- 

tion of the Hew Atlantis. He did not, however, add much to 

the original, but rather developed the ideas suggested by it. 

Eis work was, nevertheless, deemed worthy of a reprint in 1660, 

but since then it has sunk into deserved oblivion. 

Another unimportant utopia appeared the following year 

Maoaria by Samuel Hartlib. In the use of the dialog form, 

in the abrupt meeting of the two speakers (a Traveller and a 
Scholar), in the absence of any explanation as to how the former 
found Maoaria or returned from it, and in the baldness of the 

241. See Begley, Nova Solyma , vol. II, pp. 272 - 374. 

242. Reprinted irTThe Harleian Miscellany, vol. IV, pp. 380 - 387 


narrative the Hacaria suggests the Civitas Soils . Certain of 
its details, on the other hand, recall the Utopia and the lie 7/ 
Atlantis . The name Hacaria is probably borrowod fror Tore 
as are the ideas concerning war and the repression of religious 
fanatics. Hartlib's College of Experiments is doubtless the 
Salomon's House of Bacon renamed. 24 *^ The passages on agriculture 
however, appear to be original with Hartlib; for he wrote other 
works on the subject. The purpose of the pamphlet, says the 
editor of the Harleian Hiscellany , was "to intimate to a new 

model of government , as the rroperest means to 

reconcile the destructive breach, that was beginning to appear 
between the king and parliament". 

A brief summary will illuminate the points of the preced- 
ing paragraph and also show that Hartlib really added nothing 
to the development of the voyage imaginaire . A Traveller and a 
Scholar meet on the "Change" and go into l.Ioorfield for a chat. 
In a monotonous series of questions and answers we learn that 
the former has visited the kingdom of I.Iacaria. The ruling power 
in this country is a Great Council which holds brief annual 
sessions to hear impeachments against ministers, judges, and 
other officers whom "they trounce soundly, if there be cause". 
There are under councils of husbandry, land trade, maritime 
trade, and colonial expansion, which also meet once a year. The 
laws governing real property are the most important . An "in- 
heritance" tax of five per cent is levied for the purpose of 
creating an internal improvement fund; and fines are assessed 
for failure to develop lands. In the manual arts the demand for 

243. Bacon calls it also the College of the Six Lays' 7 r ork. 


and supply of labor are equalised by regulating the number of 
apprentices in any driven trade. All commerce which enriches 
the nation is encouraged, and new plantations receive government 
subsidies until they become self -support inc. ",'ar is waged only 
in self-defense; but an attack always brings vengeance in the 
form of annexation. The College of ^xoeri ments supervises 
all medical practice, directing in this work the parish priests 
who are doctors of physic as well as of divinity. The infallible 
tenets of religion must be accepted by all I.Iacarians, and the 
teaching of new beliefs is a crime. Government officials are 

so well paid that they suffer no temptation to be dishonest; 

that he seldom 

and the king manages the royal demesne so well^has to request 
the levy of imposts, and thus he readily obtains them when he 
does ask. 


As Hartlib's little dialog grew out of his interest in 
the political broil that was gradually involving Kin?, parlia- 
ment, and people, so Samuel Gott's Nova Solyma , issued anonymously 
in Latin, sprang from the author's dreamy hope that morality and 
art might be Joined in the wedlock of fictional form. The book, 
however, fell stillborn from the press and so little was known 
of it or of its author that when in 1902 the Reverend Mr. Walter 
Begley issued an English translation of it, he sought to amass 
in an elaborate introduction and exhaustive footnotes evidence 
to prove that the unknown author was John Milton. After draw- 
ing numerous parallels between the II ova Solyma and Hilton's 
known work, Mr. Begley clinched his argument with the silencing 
inquiry: "If not Hilton, then who?" Unfortunately for this 


pleasant thesis Mr. Stephen K. Jonee while examining V/. London's 
Catalogue of the most vendible Books in ?]ngland ( 1658) , discovered 
the Nova Solyma entered as the work of Samuel Gott, a gentleman 
then unknown. 244 This forgotten author appears to have been born 
in 1613, and to have been the son of a London ironmonger. He 
attended the Merchant Taylors' School and St. Catherine's, Cam- 
bridge, taking his A. B. in 1632. Sometime in the forties he 
married a Miss Farnden and retired to his country estate. At 
one time he seems to have been connected with politics in London, 
but evidently he was not an important figure since no mention 
of him survives. The Nova Solyma was not his only production, 
nor even his first perhaps. The others are: Parabolae Evanrelioae 
Latine Hedditae ( ante . 1650) , An Essay on the True Happiness of 
Man ( 1650) , 246 and the Divine His t ory of the Genesis of the world 
Explicated and Illustrated (1670) . 246 Mr. Jones concludes that 
even without the testimony of the Catalogue the dates of Gott's 
residence at Cambridge and the matter of his other publications 
seriously weaken Mr. Begley's case since the evidence produced 
by the latter will now apply to Gott as well as to Milton. The 
list of Gott's works and the details of his life have, however, 
another interest. They show the author to have been a thoroughly 
religious man, given to the liesurely contemplation of things 
divine and also one removed from the hurlyburly of active life, 
content to dream away his days outside the sphere of politics 

244. Jones, Stephen K. , The Authorship of the II or a Solyma iri 

Library , Series 3, vol. I, pp. 225 - 238. The biographi- 
cal data here presented are from this article. 

245. This is the only publication bearing Gott's name. 

246. Entered as Gott''s in the General Catalogue for 1680. 

and wars. Into such a country he trans port F A In the Horn Solyma . 
There are "no warp or rumors of warp", no i olitical factiona 
perturb the state; all is peace and quiet meditation on thinrs of 
the heart and soul. Tn the hustlinr days of revolutions, repri . - 
cides, and commonwealths none hut a mystic and a dreamer could ' 
have written such a book. 

In form the Nora Solyma is more of a romance than an im- 
aginary voyage or a utopia. In fact its openinp passare suggests 
not a travel "book or a sea story but a conventional novel be- 
ginning. In addition, the only imaginary thing about the land 
or city of II ova Solyma is that Jerusalem is supposedly restored 
to a Christianized Hebraic rule and the idealism of its customs 
and government. These points can, however, best be emphasised 
by a summary of the story. 

Two Cambridge students, Eugenius and Politian, having 
heard of Uova Solyma, decide to go thither; but fearing parental 
opposition, the leave England secretly, and j^assing throup-h 
Sicily on the way to Jerusalem meet^young Hebrew, Joseph son 
of Jacob, who while travelling with his tutor Appollos, was 
set upon by brigands and left destitute and alone amonrr strangers 
The half-brothers, for such Eugenius and Politian were .take the 
young fellow for their guide, and the three reach IT ova Solyma 
safely, where Jacob welcomes his son and his benefactors ,for the 
entertainment of strangers is a national duty. 24 ^ 

247. The names of the characters are Arcadian, rather than 

Hebraic, English, or Italian: Eugenius and Politan have 
been mentioned, as has Appollos. Antonia is not 
Hebraic. Philander is a romance name. 

248. Begley, Walter, Nova Solyma , 1902, vol. I, pg. 86. 


At this point it 1b best to ceaso following a strictly 

ohronologi cal order of incidents and to discuss the subject 

matter of the hook under the heads of frovernnont , education, 

religion, and love episodes. The first is vaguely treated, 

probably because Gott did not aim to write a political tract. 

There is a council of old men and another of young men, but their 

duties are not explained. The family organization is patriarchal, 


and the father is the unquestioned master of his children. 

The betrothal customs are Hebraic; but marriage is a civil, not 

a religious contract, the ceremony being performed by a uni- 

versity professor. Duels are forbidden, and ignoble punish- 


nents are inflicted upon all those guilty of such offences; 


but to settle all questions of honor a censor is appointed. 


Charity is organized; the system, however, is not explained. 

Dress is the only distinction of rank, laborers wearing short 


gowns, and officials long robes. A family inherits the 

honors of its ancestors in case it is deserving; otherwise the 

dignity lapses. An attempt is made at the impartial distri- 


bution of public honors, but most of them go to the soldiers. 
Trade is permitted; commercial treaties even being contracted 
with foreign countries, the chief articles of export being the 

249. Begley, Walter, II ova Solyma , 1902, vol. I, pg. 100. "Be 
he a tyrant, a lunatic, or a criminal even, a father is 
not to be despised, or peered at, or maligned, or ill- 
treated" . 

250. Same, vol. II, pg. 228 and 209. 

251. Same, vol. II, pp. 112 - 116. If one participant is slain, 
the other is hanged heels upward; if neither is killed, 
both are branded. 

252. Same, vol. II, pg. 116. 

253. Same, vol. I, pg. 238. 

254. Same, vol. I, pe:. 106. 

255. Same, vol. II, pg. 116 ff. 

256. dame, vol. II, pp. 116 ff. 

* 137 
showy and useless manufactures. 2 '^ 7 Slavery exists. 250 Civil 
edicts are obeyed without question unless they conflict wi th 
the dictates of one's conscience; then the spiritual law becomes 

supreme, for the inhabitants of Nova Solyma vigorously oppose 


any temporal interference in things divine.' 

Education receives a more ordered and fuller treatment. 
Two great fundamental principles underlie it; that nature is 
superior to art, 260 and that truth and religion are the highest 

things,* - Instruction in childhood, is by means of fairy tales. 

26 2 

Real education begins in the college. • Here only the best 
professors are hired at the highest salaries; and their teaching 
is guided by the principle of self-restraint which is the 
national ideal in both the physical and intellectual life; for 
they hold that while genius ought to be fostered, it should also 
be enjoined from waywardness. Effort is encouraged in two ways 
first, by the practical means of scholarships for poor students, 
and second, by regulating the difficulty of the assigned tasks 
according to the capacity of the individual student. Emulation 
is also urered by offering prize Dens for original compositions 
in "colloquial", declamatory, poetic, and historical writing. 
The course offered in the college lays stress upon Greek, Latin, 

and Hebrew; but modern languages are also taught in order that 

257. Ijova Solyma , vol. II, pp. 135 and 205. 

258. Same , vol. II, pg. 2. 

259. Same, vol. I, pg. 224. 

260. Same, vol. I, pg. 165. 

261. Same, vol. I, pg. 259. 

262. I have omitted in the summary of the passage on the college 

a description of the building as being unnecessary. In the 
courtyard stand statues of eminent men with their deeds 
inscribed on their bases. This is suggestive of both :"icon 
and Campanella. Admission to the college is obtained only 
after an examination by the Porter; of what sort this test 
is, is not told. 


intercourse with other nations may lie maintained. Sport for 
sport's sake is encouraged; and military drill ie compulsory 
for all. Ethical and religious instruction are also given; the 
latter is not, however, to be confused with theological study. 
The undergraduate course continues throughout four years, and 
is followed by three years of postgraduate work, which may bo 
in philosophy and jurisprudence, in law, in medicine, or in 
theology. In addition to this formal instruction a university 
extension course is maintained by means of educational lectures 
in other towns, and public discourses on religion, ethics, and 
family life . 

The religion of Nova Solyma is puritanic in its theolopy 
and is based upon the assumption that the Bible is an infallible 
revelation of the word of God and of his ways toward men. Its 
nature is chiefly revealed in two loner, dry college lectures -- 
one on the creation, the other on the well regulated life, the 
latter, however, being more suggestive of Greek philosophy than 
of the Bible. An enlivening incident in the religious dis- 
cussion is the episode of Theophrastus and the devil, which is 
not far different in its tone from such a Puritan document as 
Bunyan's Grace Abounding , the devil, of course, getting the worst 
of the contest, and the soul of Theophrastus being haled from 
his body to a peaceful immortality. 

The love stories, which are an intimate part of the frame- 
work of the romance, are of two sorts. That of Joseph and 
phillipina is tragic. The former while in Italy had saved the 
latter from death, and she had repaid his generosity by falling 
in love with him; Joseph, however, did not return the compliment. 

After he had gone homo, she disguised herself as a boy, assumed 
the name of Philander, and followed him. To further hide her 
identity and excuse her wanderings , she invented a story to 
the effect that as she (i. e., Philander) lay asleep in a 
meadow a beautiful maiden had bent over her, but as she awoke 
the girl disappeared, her life having since been spent in a 
bootless search for the lost love. Arriving at Nova Solyma 
in the character of Philander she was by Joseph's aid lodged 
in the house of Antonia, a widow, who soon fell in love with 
the supposed youth, but met only with repulses. Despairing 
at last after an especially severe rebuke, she resolved to kill 
both herself and Philander, Just at this moment, however, 
messengers arrived from Sicily and revealed the true character 
and name of the supposed boy. Joseph directed them to Antonia T s 
house; but .before the party could reach it, the blow had fallen. 
The widow had taken poison; and Phillipina, having heard of the 
arrival of the Sicilians, had stabbed herself. Joseph on learn- 
ing the truth was greatly afflicted in conscience, but recover- 
ing, promised to be more careful in the future. Meanwhile I^ugenius 
and Politian had fallen in love with Joseph's sister Anna, and 
quarreliner had arranged a meeting to settle the question of honor. 
Joseph, however, discovered the situation, and scolded them 
severely. The half-brothers, after having undergone a regenerat- 
ing religious experience, and having obtained their host's for- 
giveness, were then introduced to Joanna, another sister, who 
cannot be distinguished from Anna. The episode and the book 
ends with the arrival of the English father, the betrothal of 
the four lovers, and the elevation of Jacob and Joseph to the 


leadership of the senior and junior councils respectively. 

In the Nova Solyma Dr. Held again sees, with some p-r^ater 
show of reason this time perhaps, the influence of Andrea© at 
work. Yet even here he shows a marked tendency to generalize 
on what seem insufficient and hasty hypotheses. Since ^ott 
was at Cambridge with Milton, Dr. Held presumes a natural con- 
nection between the former and the latter's friends Dury and 

Hartlib. This may have been the case; but, as in the case 

of Bacon, we have no uroof. Dr. Held also seems to have taken 
seriously the author's statement in the Autocriticon appended to 
the edition of 1649 that the work "was written in the heat of 
youthful ardour"; it may have been, but fiction writers lied 
famously in their prefaces at that time. The Ilova Solyma is, 
moreover, a romance turned to outspoken didactic purposes, 2 ^ 4 
and is not primarily a description of an ideal state. In ad- 
dition, not all of Dr. Hold's parallels are as convincing- as he 
would have them seem. The moral tone in which he finds his 
first similarity is not characteristic of Andreae and Gott 

alone, but of practically every, author of European urose fiction 

from l.lore to Defoe. Another resemblance which he discovers 

is the hiph moral character of the teachers; but the priests, 


who taught the youth in Utopia, were "men of eminent piety". 
Parental consent to marriages was required in Hew Atlantis as 
well as in Christ ianopolis . And finally the parallel passage 

263. Held, Introduction , pp. 79 - 80. 

264. Nova Solyma , vol. I, pp. 298 - 301. 

265. See A. J. Tieje, The Consciously Expressed Critical Theory 

of European Prose Fiction before 1740 , ch. II. 

266. LIorTey, pg. 156; Held, pg. 9T~. 


is no parallel passage at all. 267 Gott writes, describing the 
suburban villas of Nova Solyma: "Here too were set about many 
beautiful trees, springing from the fertile soil, and so shutting 
out the view of the city that you seemed to be in the very heart 
of the country, and all was open to the air, and sunshine, preen 
and fertile. Hero and there were bods of flowers of varied hues 
scattered about the grassy slopes, and their bright borders 
looked like garlands thrown on the ground". Andreae says of 
the gardens surrounding the College at Christianoplis : "They "re 
not permitted to confuse the order of the distribution of plants, 
which by the skill of the gardener are made to conform to the 
various zones of the sky, a wonderful and clever combination 
of colors, repre?ent inf as it were a painted plate". Of these 
two passages Dr. Held concludes: "The description of the 
gardens and the various hues and the color of the flowers therein 
is almost identical". Comment is needless. It is this tendency 
in Dr. Held to make unfounded claims which causes me to doubt 
even those which I should otherwise be inclined to grant. Any- 
way influence upon a book which ten years after its first issue 
was waste paper on the bookseller's shelves is an empty honor 

The development of the voyage imaginaire in this period 
shows many interesting changes in its subject-matter, aim, and. 
form. In 1516 it was a wonderbook, but Llore grafted upon it the 
branch of the Utopia which flourished and bore fruit. Almost 

267. Nova Solyma , vol. I, pg. 162; Christianotiolis , ch. XCIV; 

Held, ng. 89. 

268. Dr. Held has failed to point out the greatest resemblance 

between the Chris tianopolis and the Nova Solyma ; both 
were forgotten as soon as published, and not revived for 
many years. 

ono hundred years later Hall developod another off-shoot — 
social satire -- , which, v/hilo it aid not at once mature, later 
waxed and grew strong. The voyage has, in other words, now 
become purposive literature, and such it is to remain until 
1750. The literary form too has changed. The dialog which was 
borrowed from Plato alonr v/ith the conception of an ideal state, 
did not thrive. Only Campanella and Hartlib preserve it intact; 
More made the narrative a sort of lecture; and Hall, Andreae, 
and Gott emphasize the story form until with the latter it be- 
comes a full-fledged romance. After 1641 no voyages imaprinaires 
were written in the dialog form. The effort to Fain verisimili- 
tude, however, did not develop. Ilore was the only one who made 
an extended effort to "force belief", but his seed fell upon 
barren ground; the labor of evolving the elaborate preface was 
left to Vairasse and his followers. But from the Utopia onward 
all except a few authors felt called upon to give a more or 
less exact location to their imaginary states. Characteriza- 
tion, too, has made little headway; and only in the Uova Solyma 
do we find more than faint suggestions of it, and these not 
many • 


Chapter IV. 


Thus far in its history the voyage imaginaire has been 
confined chiefly to Utopias, such productions as Godwin's I. Ian 
in the Ho one and ball's Mundus Alter et Idem being infrequent . 
After 1650, however, both its character and method became more 
varied. Descriptions of ideal states are, of course, still to 
be found; but added to these are narratives of supposed lands 
allegorical in nature, the customs and manners of whose inhabi- 
tants are intended as a satire upon those of contemporary Europe 
Sometimes this satire is extended further and made to include 
not only social customs but political, philosophical, religious, 
and educational ideas as well. In this period, too, was de- 
veloped to its fullest extent the effort to gain verisimilitude 
by means of the preface and the pretended manuscript; and the 
Robinsonade element became an almost permanent feature of all 
those voyages which dealt with the sea. 

In 1652 appeared the Relation de L 1 Isle Imaginaire by 
Anna Uontpensier . It together with Abbe Hedelin d'Aubignac's 
Relation du Royaume de Coqueterie (1654), Oharles Sorel's 
L ' Isle de Portraiture (1659), and Tallement's Voyage de 1 ' Isle 
de 1 'Amour (1663) represents one of the new departures. Under 
an allegorical guise these works aim to satirise some fad, 

folly, passion, or other extravagant practice of the beau noni e 
or of literature.^ Unfortunately I have not been able to secure 
them either in text or in sumnary; and so the bare statement of 
their aim must here suffice. They were, moreover, the leapt 
influential of the satirical voyages and are now all but forgotte 
for while Cyrano de Bergerac, Swift , and Holberg assaulted funda- 
mental vices of mankind, these authors confined themselves to 
attacks upon potty fai liners and transient faults. 

The new tendency, however, quickly manifested itself in a 
more important and more popular volume. Cyrano de Bergerac's 
Voyage dans la Lune was published in 1656; and six years later 
a new and enlarged version was issued under the title Les 
Voyages de Cyrano de Bergerac dans les Etats et les Empires de 
la Lune et du Soliel , to which v/as appended L 'Hip to ire des 
Oiseaux. The first and shorter book was translated into English 
in 1659, three years after its appearance in ^rance; and the 
complete edition was englished in 1687. 

Cyrano de Bergerac tells that returning to : : aris one 
night with some tiusy companions, he was inspired by their ran- 
dom remarks to attempt a Journe?/ to the Moon. His first trail 
was made by attaching to his belt a number of bottles filled 
with morning dew u-oon which the Sun exercised an attraction 
powerful enough to raise him. Unfortunately, however, the 
Lloon appeared to recede rather than to approach; so he dropped 
several of his phails. Immediately he, too, fell earthward; 
but instead of finding himself in familiar surroundings, he 

1. iainlop, John, History of Prose Fiction , third edition, pg. 


saw about him a land entirely strange, which on inquiry he 

found to bo Canada. Thereupon he concluded that the Earth r ■ ' 

revolve on an axis since he had ascended and descended in the 

sane line. Not discouraged by his failure, Cyrano made a 

second trial in a machine of his own invention; but this Attempt 

also met with unsuccess, the engine fallin<- and he himself being 

badly bruised. Having returned home he annointed himself with 

ox marrow and set out to find his machine. The uopulace had 

meanwhile discovered it, and conceiving it to be an infernal 

invention, were about to burn it when he arrived on the scene. 

In order to rescue it from destruction, he sprang- into it and 

began a second flight. But once more the machine fell; Cyrano, 

however, continued to rise, buoyed up by the attraction exerted 

by the Moon upon the marrow with which he had salved his wounds. 

As he approached this other world, his feet turned toward it, 

and he began to descend more rapidly; but his fall was luckily 

broken by a tree. 

Setting out at once in search of food, he found under a 

tree a man with whom he entered into conversation, but after a 

few exchanges this person disappeared in a cloud. At that 

moment two large ape-like beings came up and took him prisoner, 

carrying him home and exhibiting him about the country as a 


sort of mountebank's monkey. " In the meantime news of this 
strange creature reached the court; and the oueen commanded that 
he be fetched as a companion for her "little animal", who 

2. Cf . Gulliver's treatment in Brobdingnag. 


turned out to bo a Spaniard kept "by the Oueon as a monkey 

because on his discovery he was dressed in the Spanish node 

which amonr the Lunare is reserved for simians as being the most 

ridiculous known • At the royal palace Cyrano also met with 

a "genius" who had formerly been on earth as the daemon of 

Socrates but who had retired hence because virtue was no longer 

to be found there. 

By this time the hero had learned the court language, 


which consisted of musical tones so that two neople could con- 
verse by playing- on instruments. Such a sign of intelligence 
caused a dispute among the philosophers as to his nature, some 
maintaining his rationality, others denying it, fo that he was 
brought to trial; but after much argument the savants concluded 
that he was only a bird without feathers, and remanded him to 
prison. During his incarceration Cyrano mastered the vulgar 
tongue which consisted of movements of the body, such as wiggling 
the ears or blinking the eye-lids. This new manifestation of 
reason caused the scholars to hold a new examination, at which 
it was concluded that he was an ostrich since he walked on two 
legs, held up his head, and was filled with an inordinate pride. 
An incautious statement on his part that the earth was an in- 
habited world now brought on a a third trial; but in spite of 
the daemon's effort to show that a recantation would not alter 
the truth or the falsity of the statement nor the holder f s 

3. Godwin, author of the Han in th e 1 To one . Cyrano says, 

Voyage Ir&ginaires , vo 1 . XIII, pr . 167, "Ce petit hoirme me 
conta qu'il etoit L'uropeen, natif de veille Castille; 
qu'il avoit trouve moyen avec des oiseaux ; de se faire 
porter jusqu'au monde de la lune ou nous etions alors . " 
Cf. Godwin, Man in the "oone. 

14 7 

»inion on the matter, retr.ict.ion was the penalty inflictc' . 
'rano, having confessed that the :'oon is world and the BSftrth 


a noon, was then allowed to acoompany the daemon at whose 
louso he heard numerous philosophical discussions upon such 
topics as the subservience of parents to their children, the 
intelligence of vegetables, the identity of shame and false 
lodesty, and the soundness of Democritus ' theory of emanations. 
Meanwhile one of the youn,T ladies-in-waiting had begun 


;o pay assiduous court to him, suggestinr that they flee to- 
gether during the excitement attendant upon a war whioh was 
about to break out. The lunar method of conducting hostilities 
is to have a referee to select a battleground, and to arranrre 
the time and manner of the conflict. To this place the amies, 
each having an equal number of men with equal equipment, re- 
pair. After the contest in the field the philosophers, savants, 
and scholars meet in a battle of wits. The leader of that party 
which is awarded the victory by the referee, is then chosen 
king of the vanquished. 

Other strange customs are also described. The moon-people 
feed upon the odors of food. 6 The sign of nobility amonr them 
is not a sword as in Prance, but a bronze figure of the male 
genital organ; for, say they, it is ridiculous to exalt an 
instrument of destruction over one of procreation. All whose 
noses are less than a proscribed bigness are castrated because 
the lunar s believe that a large nose is the sign of virtue, 

5. Gf. Glundalclitch T s affection for GS-ulliver. 

6. Gf. Luclan, who says that they snuff up the smoke of broil- 

ing froge . 



intelligence, and similar desirable qualities in its owner, 
eir .gunpowder is nost miraculous, for it not only slays the 
me "but drosses and cooks it as well. 

Cyrano made his escape from the Toon by the aid of the 
daemon, who carried him across interstellar space and deposited 
him in Italy, whence he returned to France without further 
adventure except that the dogs continually bayed him because he 
smelled of the Moon. 

These adventures Cyrano related to a friend who persuaded 
him to publish them; but the appearance of the book aroused a 
severe persecution against him, which ended in his imprisonment 
on the charge of sorcery. During his confinement Cyrano, now 
called Dyrcano (anagram for Cyrano d'), amused himself with 
various experiments, finally creatine: an engine composed of a 
box with holes bored in the bottom. Through the lid he inserted 
a bottle, open, it appears, at both ends, upon which mirrors 
reflected the rays of the sun, causing the air in it to become 
heated and so to rise; a partial vacuum thus being" formed, the 
air rushed in throush the holes in the bottom of the box, creating 
a "breeze" which carried the machine upward. 

His first landing in this new iourney was upon a small 
world near the Sun, where he learned the scientific principle of 
the engendering of life. The heat of the Sun acting upon the 
ooze of the earth, causes blisters to arise, from which, if 
they open after the first swelling, vegetable life results; if 
after the second, animal life; if after the third, rational, or 

7. The hugeness of Cyrano's nose is well known. See Edmond 
Rostand, Cyrano de Bergerac , 1897, Act I, sc. 4. Cyrano 
is reputed to have fought more than a hundred duels on ac- 
count of his prominent nose. 


human, life. 

Resuming his travels Cyrano passed through a region of 
opaque blackness, from which as he neared the Sun he emerged 
into another where he experienced the phenomenon of having 
himself and all about him transparent. How also he felt no 
need of food since the heat of the Sun overcame the cold humors 
of his body. ^ Soon after, he landed upon the Sun; and being; 
wearied, he lay down to sleep upon a barren plain; but on his 
awaking he found himself lying under a gorgeous tree of gold 
and gems on which sat a nightingale singing her sweetest songs. 
Suddenly one of the ^en-fruits fell from the tree, and as it 
touched the ground assumed the shane of a diminutive man; where- 
upon the entire tree dissolved into a race of pigmies who after 
performing an intricate dance took the shape of a man, the most 
active among them forming the head, the less the trunk, and 
the least the limbs. Into the mouth of this creature entered 
the dwarf who had first appeared to Cyrano. The being now 
explained to Cyrano the power of the will ( volant e ) over matter 
and its ability to effect any desired change of form. It also 
told that they were a people who journeyed over the Sun visiting 
all of its parts, assuming during these travels the shades of 
eagles, with the exception of the prince v/ho took that of a 
nightingale. On one such journey they had met the nightingale 
which Cyrano had seen sitting on the tree; she had immediately 
fallen in love with their prince, thinking that the eagles were 
kidnapping him, and since that time she had followed them, so 
that they had to change into a tree each night to afford her a 

8. Cf. Godwin, Man in the I.Ioone. 


resting place. After this narration, the body chanced once 
more into individual beings who assumed the shapes of earles 
and flew off. 

Proceeding on his way Cyrano entered the Land of Birds 
where he was taken prisoner and dragged into court on the charere 
of being a man. On the advice of a pie which had once been a 
captive amonfr men, he pleaded that he was a monkey; but a com- 
mission appointed to examine the evidence reported adversely on 
the contention because when they capered in front of him, he 
did not imitate them. A motion was then made that he be 
sentenced to the t riste morte , i . e., death by hearing the birds 
sing sad songs until his heart should burst; but the king 
commuted the penalty to death by being devoured by insects. A 
black ostrich carried him to the place of execution, where the 
herons tied him securely; but just as the swarms of insects 
were about to assail him, there arrived a reprieve gained 
because he had once shown kindness to his cousin's rarrot who 
was now in the Sun. The terms of the pardon, however, required 
that he should leave the Land of the Birds at once. 

A white ostrich now carried him into a forest where, 
wearied with the excitement of the trial, he fell sound asleep. 
Some hours later he was awakened by voices speakiner in the 
Greek tonrue, but no persons could be seen. Suddenly one of 
the voices announced that the odor of a man could be detected, 
and Cyrano, fearing new ill-luck, asked who the speaker mierht 
be. He now learned that he was in a grove of Dodona oaks, the 
seed of v/hich had been brought to the Sun in the craw of an 
eagle. The oak further explained that trees and the earth 


stand to one another in the relation of father and mother, the 

seed of the former being the semen, the rrroiind of the latter 

being the womb, and the shedding of the leaves representing 

the careful wranpinfr of the female in a cloak against the 

weather. Another now related the story of the lover trees, 

sprung in ancient times from the bodies of Orestes and Pilades, 

the fruit of which inspires in those who eat of it an intense 

reciprocal passion. By this means all the abnormal loves of 

antiquity, such as that of Pasiphao for the bull and narcissus 

for himself, are accounted for, as well as the attraction between 

iron and loadstone which were created by the juice of the fruit 

falling on the cinders when the incensed neople burned the trees 

to rid the world of their menace. The story also explains that 

since the poles are the exits for the souls departing from this 

earth, iron and loadstone separately turn from, but united turn 

toward them, as not desiring to leave the world except in consort 

one with another. From these tree-folk Cyrano also learned that 


trees feel; for it is to^noticed that when one is struck with 
an axe, the first blow cuts much deeper than the succeeding 
ones since that always takes the tree by surprise whereas being 1 
prepared for those that follow, it can stiffen its fibers to 
resist . 

Passing from this wood Cyrano met Campanella with whom 
he witnessed a combat between a Salamander and a Remore, i. e., 
between the principles of heat and cold, in which the latter 
was victorious. The two then proceeded rapidly toward the 
City of Philosophers because Campanella was anxious to meet the 
newly arrived Descartes. On the way, however, they visited a 


lake which foods the five rivers of the senses and whence flow 
the streams of Kornory, Inaginati on, and Judgment, an allegorical 
description of each being Priven • Passing on the two travellers 
net a woman from the Land of Lovers who was dragging her husband 
to the City of Philosophers to obtain his condemnation for having 
slain her child twice in one night, once by ha\*ing refuse^ to 
hold intercourse with her and again by having an emission in 
his dreams. This lady described the Land of Lovers where all 
children are reared in a school of love from which the girls 
are graduated at the age of thirteen, the boys at eighteen, each 
youth being assigned at that time as many women as he is able 
to satisfy sexually. Each night, also, a doctor sroes the rounds 
of the houses in his district assigning to each husband and wife 
the number of connections allowable for them during that period. 
The last incident in the book is a meeting between this f?roup 
of characters and Descartes as Campanella and Cyrano are accompany- 
ing ihe husband and wife back to the Land of Love. 

Just what Cyrano aimed to satirize in each instance is 
difficult to tell. It is clear at once, however, that he meant 
to assail mankind as a whole, at least that notion of it which 
assumed mankind to be infinitely superior to all other created 
things; otherwise there is no point either in the judgment of the 
lunar savants on his nature, or to the decision of the birds as 
to his rationality, 3 Evidently, too, he sought fun at the 

9. Histoire des Oiseaux, Voyages Imaginaires , vol. XIII, pp. 359 
360- Le's~~6Tseaux alleguent "que cela seroit bien ^ridicule 
de croire qu'un animal tout nud, que la nature meme en 
mettent au jour ne s'6toit pas souciee de fournir de choses 
necessaire a le conserver, fut comne eux capable de raisonner 
Encore, ajoutient ils, si c'etoit un animal qui approchat 
un neu davantase de notre f igure ; mais justement le nlus 


expense of the youn-- bloods in his passage on swords, and to 
get a sly thrust at his enemies when he made big noses a lunar 
test of virtue. Doubtless, also, there is satire in the pas- 
sages which tell of the philosophical doctrines of the Moonites 
and in the descriptions of the Rivers of Memory, Imagination, 
and Judgment; and Cyrano evidently wished to ridicule intel- 
lectual bigotry when he told how incensed were the Lunars at 
his assertion that the world was inhabited, and when he penned 
the very readable narrative at the opening of the second part, 
telling of the mob and its prejudices. Beyond doubt he also 
meant to turn the laugh on the Spaniards in saying the inhabi- 
tants of the Moon dressed their monkeys in the Spanish fashion 
as being the most ridiculous. Perhaps the Land of Love with 
its school of passion and regulation of sexual intercourse is, 
likewise, to be taken as a satire upon Utopias. But in all 
cases except the first the satire is too vague to have had much 
point, and Cyrano appears clearly to lack the power of such a 
writer as Swift or the imagination of such an author as Holberg. 

dissemble, et le plus affreux; enfin un b&te chauve, un 
oiseau plume, une chimere amassee de toutes sortes de 
natures, et qui fait peur a toutes: l'homme, dis-je, si tot 
et si vain, qu'il se persuade que nous n'avons ete fait 
que pour lui: l'homme qui, avec son ame si clairvoyant, ne 
sauroit distinguer le Sucre d f avec le arsenic, et qui 
avalera de la cigue que son beau jugement lui aura fait 
prendre pour de persil: l'homme qui soutient qu'on ne 
raisonne que par la rapport des sens les plus foibles, les 
plus tardifs, et le plus faux d'entre toutes les creatures: 
l'homme enfin que la nature, pour fait de tout, a cr&e 
comme les monstres, mais en qui pourtant elle a infus 
1' ambition de commander a tous les animaux, a 1' exterminer . 

"Voila ce que disoient les plus sages. Pour la 
commune, elle crioit que que cela etoit horrible, de 
croire qu'une bete qui n'avoit pas les visage fait comme 
eux, eut de la raison. He quoi, murmuroient-ils l'un a 
1' autre, il n'a ni bee, ni plumes, ni griffes, et son ame 
seroit spirituelle? dieux; quelle impertinence." 

" 154 

The satire, however, is not what makes the work of 
Braiio important in the history of the voyage imaginaire ; the 
Kmportance results from the nev; elements which it contains. In 
It for the first time since Lucian a story has been told with 
parrative interest. More, Hall, Bacon, Gampanella, Andrea, and 
Bacon were concerned merely with describing the practices of 
■the lands which they purported to have visited; Erythracus and 
Gott left their love stories as r.ore episodes inserted in the 
descriptions of their states; and Godwin, who had tried to tell 
a story, had succeeded only in giving bare details. In Cyrano's 
work, on the other hand, there is at times real adventure and 
real narrative suspense, although the best of the story is the 
account of his adventures in Prance. But the step is noteworthy. 
The voyage imaginaire is becoming less a propagandists docu- 
ment and more a tale. The scope of the voyage too has now 
widened. Formerly it has been confined largely to Utopian lit- 
erature, and only on rare occasions had it diverged into other 
fields; but now it has definitely turned to satire, although 
of a new kind, ridiculing not a literary practice as did Lucian, 
nor vice as did Hall, but philosophical belief. Still another 
change v/orthy of special remark has been made. As long as the 
journey was confined to the earth, the problem of transportation 
offered no difficulty; but when the traveller passed through 
interstellar space obstacles arose. Lucian had depended on the 
simple expedient of a whirlwind to elevate him to the Moon; 
Godwin upon the crude plan of being carried thither by birds; 
Cyrano made the first attempt to give a scientific vrai semblance 
to his method, and although his means may appear ridiculous 


to-day, they are still important because the later and more 
(probable explanations are basically the same as his — the in- 
vention of some ingenious device. 

These are significant contributions and are not to be 
(minimized even by the author's fairly extensive borrowings. There 
can be no doubt that in writing a satirical voyage he was imitating 
Lucian's Verae Historiae ; nor can there be any question that his 
odor-devouring Lunars are only a slight variation of Lucian's 
smoke-snuffing ones, nor that his daemon of Socrates was suggested 
by Lucian's Endymion. 10 That he appropriated details from Godwin 
.is self-evident. Both experience no hunger in passing throu h 
the middle regions, and in both the lunar language consists of 
musical tones. His meeting with Godwin shows, furthermore, that 
he knew the English book, a French version of which was issued 
first in 1648 and again in 1654. It may be, also, that Cyrano 
knew Bishop Wilkins' v/orld in the Loon although there appears 
to have been no French version, and no traces of borrowing can 
be found. These, however, are minor details; the framework of 
[the story is the author's own. 

Yet in spite of his creative power in this field of 
literary endeavor Cyrano de Bergerac lives in the minds of men 
chiefly as a notorius duellist who called out, tradition says, 
over one hundred men because they looked with surprise upon his 
huge and ugly nose. This is only one aspect of the many-sided 
life which he lived, and which contributed to develop the spirit 
that made possible such a work as his satires. In his youth he 
was a roistering and gaming soldier who had, however, an infinity 

10. d'Ablincourt's French translation of Lucian's Verae Historiae 
appeared in 1654. 

p lr)G 

Of reckless courage as his adventure singlehanded against a 
hundred of the enemy will testify. Undoubtedly this madcap life 
bet its mark upon him. The spirit that impelled him to dare 
and do upon the field of battle was the same \ ich, early fostered, 
loosed the bonds of a fervid imagination win, after being wounded 
%t the siege of Arras, he gave himself up to the pursuit of 
philosophy and literature. His literary effort is of two types, 
that represented in his Lettres and his dramas is purely conven- 
tional, revelling in all the bombast and fantastic conceit so 
popular in the seventeenth century. Only Le Pedant Joue gives 
any suggestion of the original satiric power displayed' at its 
full in his Eistoire Comique . In these satires there is a live- 
liness and a freshness because his heart was in his work. In 
them he was once more a soldier, not upon the battlefield, but 
as a member of that glorious band which ever has the courage 
to rise in the assault upon pedantry and prejudice. 


While this volume of Cyrano 1 s wa appearing under 
Jilibret's nand, John Sadler published his 01b ia (1660). The hero 
t± the book, which is autobiographical, is at one and the same 
time a London town-clerk and a Master of Magdalen College, Cam- 
bridge, who his fortune beinj- impaired by the plague and family 
disasters, put to sea to recuperate his finances but was ship- 
wrecked on the coast of Olbia where he was succored by a hermit 
who not only taught him peace of mind, but also described to 
him the "religion, laws, customs, language, and characters of 
ithat new land". This description was to follow in the second 
book, which, however, appears never to have been written, so that 


the 01b ia as it survives is merely the tale of a shipwreck. Hot 
being able to secure the book, I have relied upon Mr. Begley's 
summary and am again unable to furnish critical comment, but 
it would seem from the quotations given by Mr. Begley that the 
work is piously religious in character. 11 

In the same year Louys Fontaines (Pere Zacherie) 
issued at Paris his Relation du Pays de Jansenie . which, accord- 
ing to the title page, treats "of the singularities which are 
; to be found, of the customs, manners, and religion of the in- 
habitants". 12 To the translation into English by P. B. in 1668 
; a map of the country was added. Here again neither text nor 
t summary has been available. 

In that year also Henry Neville published a new kind 

of voyage imaginaire , the Isle of Pines , a slight volume number - 


ing thirty-one carefully written pages. The story tells that 
a Dutch ship, driven far out of its course in the South Seas, 
discovered "a fourth island, near Terra Austral is Incognita ", 
upon which lived an English-speaking white race whose ruler was 
William Pine. According to the manuscript written by George 
Pine, William's grandfather, and. given by the grandson to 
Cornelius van Sloe t ten, the captain of the Dutch ship, the colony 
began with five souls saved from a shipwreck — George Pine,, 
his master's daughter, two white maid-servants, and a negro 
woman, with whom Pine lived in harmonious communism and by whom 
lie had thirty-seven children. This numerous posterity intermarried; 

11. Begley, V.. , - II, r.vr, - 

12. See Biblio ^ ajjhj . 

13. My information concerning this book is drawn from Professor 

George Saintsbury. Th/ " ' '. b el, 1913. pp. 158 - 161. 


"but In tho third generation four clans were formed, each in- 
cluding the descendants of one of the four wives, and brothers 
and sisters were prohibited from marrying each other. A further 
legal code was also established with provisions for capital 
and similar punishments. By the time George Pine was sixty 
years old the little nation numbered five hundred and sixty-five 
inhabitants, and by the time of his death twenty years later, 
one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine. '.Vhen the Dutch ar- 
rived something like a civil war was raging; but European fire- 
arms soon restored peace, and van Sloetten sailed away, leaving 
the islanders once more united. 

Professor Saint sbury says that only one abridgement of 
this book and one reprint were made in "Hnerland, but that the 
work was popular abroad. Ho also thinks that the codification 
suggests the : 'Bacon-Harrington tradition", and that Defoe may 
have gained from it the idea for his Robinson C rusoe . However 
that may be, the book has other signification in the history of 
the voyage imaginaire . In the first place, the story is "sup- 
ported by letters from Amsterdam", a trick which Vairasse 
writing less than ten years later popularized. Moreover, 
Neville's island is near Terra Austral is Incognita ; and Vair- 
asse's state is in that same continent. Neville, furthermore, 

| takes his narrative from a manuscript written by the founder of 
the colony; Vairasse also pretended to have an autobiographical 

' manuscript. It may therefore not be rash to assume that the 

author of one of the greatest Utopias owes some of his important 
details to this comparatively insignificant English work. The 
I Isle of Pines, in addition, is one of tho first descriptions 


W 159 

1 of imaginary states which depicts the commonwealth as growing; 

and as such it may "be the ancestor of Grivel's much lonprer and 

more elaborate L ' Isle Inconnue (1783 - 1707). 

The following year appeared the anonymous imitation of 

Hall's T'undus Alter et Idem, known as Psittaconm Pogjo . In 

general the author appears to follow Hall, adding- and leaving 

out at will, and at the same time debasing- the rough wit of 


the original by a coarseness most disgusting. 

In 16 75 was published Gerania , a new discovery of a l it tie 

15 ~ 

sort of people , written by Joshua Barnes. It is a poor pro- 
duction displaying little ingenuity and less imagination, and 
is chiefly interesting as having possibly suggested to Swift 
the idea of the Lilliputians, 16 and for its Preface . The first 
is purely conjectural since the only similarity in the two works 
is the smallness of the people. And the Preface cannot claim 
to say much that is new. Like Godwin before him, Barnes merely 
| protests that since there are strange things in heaven and 
j earth, and since there have been "many Pumilio's and Tom Thumb's", 
l^the truth of his work ought to be apparent "enough to the Judi- 
cious, who indeed may better persWade themselves by more important 
; reasons, which their own consideration may puggest unto them". 

The story opens abruptly. The ship ip sailing up the 
I Ganges P.iver v/hen a sudden storm drives it into a lake. Then 
follows a highly ornate description of a dawn, after which appear 

: 14. Begley, 7/., J: ova Solyma , vol. II, pp. 390 - 392. 
15. I have been unable to obtain either a text or a summary of 
the Hairy Giants ( 1671 ) . 

| 16. A former owner of the copy now in the University of Illinois 
Library has written the following note in pencil on the 
fly leaf: "A feeble performance but which nevertheless 
might have suggested the idea of Lilliput to Dean Swift". 


small men who have only round holes ''or nouthe and suck up their 

food through tubes. Lacking- provisions, the ma,1or part of 
the crew disembarks and nenetrates into tho heart of the country 
where upon tho sight of more pigmies drivinr goats out to 
pasture they are throv/n into a panic of supestition, and are 
held to their rmrpope only by an oration from one of the party. 
Soon other dwarfs three feet hir-h, mounted on ranr, neet then, 
and escort then to the city where they are horpitably received. 
There the Europeans learn that many years afo a Greek named 
Homer came amonr this people and taught them how to war unon 
their inveterate enemies the cranes, instituted a lefral order, 
and prophesied the advent of Christianity. He also discovered 
to them the virtues of the wood Geranophon which causes whatever 
part of the crane it touches to fall off at once, of the herb 
Cynocephalea which mixed with wine is a charm against poison 
and witchcraft, and of the berry Anthypuum which makes sleep 
unnecessary. After performing these great works. Homer returned 
to his native land. The government is a benevolent monarchy; 
taxes are voluntary and not levied contributions; there is no 
prostitution; marriage is an honored state; the wedding portion 
is made up by free-will gifts from the friends of tho couple. 
The religious men are of two kinds: the Dramaescoes who study 
all learning, and the Talcommuni who pursue only Hindu, loric, 
mathematics, music, and ethics. The story ends with the return 
of the sailors to the ship. 

Joshua Barnes the man Feems to be as little known as his 
book, so that biographical detail is not at present available. 

17. Gf. T'andeville, ch. 19. 

161 , 

He anpears to have written nothinr beside hip fterania ; as far 

as I an able to discover it iP the only offpprinpr of hip fancy. 

His acquaintance with the conventional practice of seventeenth 

century romance is attested by the ornate description of flawn 

and by the verpcs scattered here and there throughout the volume. 

His pigmies indicate a certain fertility of imagination on his 

part and an aupreciat ion of the quaint; but he lacked the penius 

to breathe into his creation the spirit of life. Hip "little 

sort of people" are uninteresting. It remained for Dean Swift's 

greater power to galvanize then into life. 

The bibliographical history of the next voyage inaginaire 

presents a conplex problem. In 1675 appeared an English version 

°f L f Histoire des Severamb es, which uurnorteo 1 to be a translation 

fron a French book by Dennis Vairasse d'Allais en Languodoc; but 

no French edition seems to have been issued until 167 7. One 

year later a second part was published in French. This was 

translated into English the .year following, and in 1738 another 

Fn^lish version seems to have been made; while in 1727 the work 

^appended to Gul liver 1 s Travels as Fart ITI . To add to the com- 
plications the versions in the two languages differ to a con- 
siderable extent. According to Mr. Begley , "Mr. James Grossley, 
the Manchester bibliophile, believed it to be the work of Isaac 
yossius, who was in England from 1670 to 1689", and that he 
wrote the first part in English and the second in French and 
then translated them. The differences in the text? would, how- 
ever, seem to refute this theory at the very beginning. Moreover, 

18. Nova Solyma , vol. II, pg. 380. The question of authorship 

is further discussed in Hot es and Queries , Ser. I, vol. I, 
pp. 4, 72, 147, and 374. 


tho argument is further weakened by the obvious anagrams -- 
Sevarias for Vairasso, and Siden for Denis. The logical assump- 
tion would then seen to he that of Mr. Bop-ley that we follow 
the title page, and interpret tho signature D. V. 1). E. L. as 
Denis Vairasse d'Allais en Languedoc. But such a decision will 
not exnlain why an English translation should have appeared bo- 
fore a French imprint; and Mr. Begley's suggestion that the 
author lent or sold his manuscript to some Englishman is, while 
ingenious, not entirely convincing. The probability is that the 
puzzle will never be solved. 

The accepted author, Denis Vairasse d'Allais, is so little 
known that Prosper Marchand in his article on him in the Diction - 
naire listorique occupied ten pages with an explanation of the 
fact. Vairasse does not appear to have been the swashbuckling 
duellist Gyrano was, nor do his surviving works, with the ex- 
ception of the Severambes , indicate any literary propensities 

He wrote a Grammaire methodique de la langue franco is e 

(1681) which is full of "vicious ornamentation", and an abridge- 
ment of the same work in 1603. Perhp.ns his interest in grammar 
may signify an interest in education, and an interest in educa- 
tion may presume one in state organization. If so, Vairasse's 
great production, L 'Histoire des Severambes , can be accounted 
for; otherwise, until further biographical data are unearthed, 
the work must stand apart from the known activities of its 
author's career. 

The opening pages of the Severambes tell that the hero, 
Captain Siden, having wandered through many countries and taken 
part in various wars, became wearied of life in Europe, and 

k — = 


Sfihding an opportunity open to acco^nany his friend, van de 
Nuits, to Batavia, embarked for that port on the Golden jraron . 
"/hen, after severe storms, the shin p-rounfled off the coast of 
Australia, Siden with the rest of the shin's company was safely 
landed. After a pinnace had been constructed from the wreckage, 
a portion of the crew under the command of the skipper was sent 
to Batavia to brinr succor. The remainder of the party formed 
ad interim a military provernment in order that they might live 
peacefully until help should arrive from the ^Jutch settlements, 
Siden informing the reader, with becoming modesty, that in spite 
of his protestations, he was chosen head of the newly formed 
community. A r ith circumstantiality he also gives in considerable 
detail the laws established for the regulation of this body 
politic. [The spot at which they had landed was, however, devoid 
of a natural or even a potable water supply; so explorations 
were conducted in all directions in the hope of discovering a 
location more suitable for the establishment of the little colony. 
Such a one having been found after a most careful search in all 
directions, the party settled not far from the coast on the 
banks of a creek where it prospered greatly, beinsr confronted 
with only one problem of administration — that of the regula- 
tion of sexual intercourse since the erroun consisted of three 
hundred men and but sixty-four women. It was finally arranged 
to allott each superior officer one woman as a wife, to permit 
each subordinate officer to cohabit with a woman once in two 
days, each man of higher rank once a week, and each laborer once 
in ten days. With careful consideration for detail Vairasse 
explains that under this arrangement it was only the "wives" 


of the officers who becamo pregnant . 

In the meantime a sailor named naurice, who had charge of 
the "boats and who had conducted some explorations along the coast, 
caused great consternation among the visitors by remaining away- 
much longer than was his oustom. This disquietude was increased 
when one day a fleet of boats much larger than that which l.laurice 
commanded was seen to appear from the direction in which he had 
sailed. Nor was the surprise lessened when, the ships approaching 
the shore, a group of strangers advanced, their leader saying: "May 
the eternal God bless thee, and his holy Minister, the Sun, our 

King, make his face to shine upon thee; and may this our fatherland 


be pleasant and joyful in thine eyes". After further exchanges of 
courtesies on both sides, Maurice explained that his squadron had 
late in the day penetrated far into a lake, and the sun setting, 
had hove to for the night. At break of day they were surprised to 
find themselves surrounded by another and more powerful fleet, so 
yielding to necessity they had surrendered themselves, and were 
conducted to sporounde, the capital of the border province. There, 
Maurice further related, they were entertained with pleasing hospi- 
tality, being furnished each night, after the manner of the country, 
with concubines, but undergoing first a rigid examination to pre- 
vent the communication of any disease. Their captors, having 
learned that some more of the party still remained upon the sea- 
coast, had, he explained, come to extend them an invitation to 
enter and to settle in the country. The Europeans, reasoning 
that the boat sent to Batavia had been lost and attracted by 
Maurice's favorable description of the country, decided to cast 
in their lot with this new people. 

19. Voyages Imaginaires , vol. V. pg. 53. 

Having gathered together their movables, the villagers 
now proceeded inland under the protection of their hosts, rest- 
ing at sporounde until the royal sanction for their journey 
inland to Sevarinde, the national capital, could be received. 
In the interval the officials of the town took great interest 
in conversing with Captain Siden and his chief men, tellinr: them 
not only about the practices of this new country, but also aslt- 
inp: many questions about Europe. Siden and his staff were 
further entertained by beinr: taken upon fishing and hunting 
parties, the device serving to give the author opportunity for 
describing the fauna of Australia. The party was, also, per- 
mitted to witness a weddinr ceremony, and by chance saw the 
punishment of an adulterous woman, "he journey inland, which 
was begun soon after, was a sort of a pleasure jaunt enlivened 
by diversions of all sorts, made agreeable by the excellent 
entertainment furnished free to all the villages through which 
they passed, and rendered instructive by the constant comment 
and explanation of the guide. II o untoward incident marred the 
whole until the guide made an ill-timed jest about reaching h 
heaven by the way through hell — a bit of pleasantry which 
threw the women into a panic from which they were scarcely 
recovered even by the explanation that the way of hell was a 
tunnel driven through the mountain in order to avoid a strenuous 
and perilous crossing of the range. This interesting narrative 
portion ends with the arrival of the new citizens in Sevarinde, 
and the remainder of the volume is devoted to an expository 
description of the government and customs of the new land. 


This folk. Captain Siden loarnod from their records, de- 
rived the name of Severanbians , which they "bore, from that of 
their first great law-giver, Sevarias, a parsoe, who having 
been long persecuted in hir own country for religion's sake, 
fled into other nations of Purope and Asia. Learning- at last 
from sone storm-tossed travellers of a nation of f ire-worshipnors 
in central Australia, he, together with some companions of the 
faith, set out to find them. Arriving in that continent, he 
discovered that the Prestarambes, a gentle race of fire-worship- 
ping savages, were being harassed by the heretical Stroukarambes, 
or followers of the false prophet Stroukaras. The Parsecs joined 
the former party, and by means of their firearms gained a glor- 
ious victory. 

Sevarias now sour-lit to establish an ideal state. As 
I ;^arsee, he ordained, of course, a religion of sun-worship; 
but the sun is accepted as being* merely the visible minister 
of an invisible, infinite, incomprehensible diety. Over the 
alter in the temple hangs a black cloth emblematic of this god, 
while to the riprht is a luminous globe of crystal representing 
the sun, and to the left a figure with several breasts represent- 
ing the motherland. Worship is conducted by sacrifice of per- 
fumes, by chants, and by prayers two of which, the oraison 
made by Sevarias in honor of the sun and that for the feast of 
the invisible god, are highly poetic. The latter feast is 
celebrated every seven years; while the iilrimbasion , or sun-fete 
is held annually at the time of the winter solstice. The 
Erimbasion is a renewal of fire, all flames being extinguished 
at that time, and a new blaze beine- kindled from the sun's rays. 

A third national holiday of a seni -religious nature 1r ordained 
in honor of Sevarias ' arrival in the country. 

The government is holiocratic, the Prince and the ; Iigh- 
priost being one and the same. Election is by lot, the chance 
supposedly alighting on that one favored by the sun. The duty 
of this official is to plan public improvements and to institute 
new principles of government; a long list of both occurs in the 
histories of the various reigns as summarized for us in Captain 
Siden's account. Assisting the Prince is a council of Sevaro - 
bastes , while special commissioners supervise such national ac- 
tivities as building, agriculture, and education. The unit of 
the state is the osr.asio , a buildinp- housing one thousand people, 
which is presided over by an officer called an Osmasionte ; over 
each four of these houses is a Brosmasionte ; and over every two 
brosnasies is a Dermasionte . 

Although war is forbidden except against an aggressor, 
land necessary for an increasing population being acquired by 
purchase, army service is required of both males and females 
i between the ages of fourteen and forty-nine. This force is 
divided into twelve equal groups, each of which ser\ T es in turn 
for a period of three months either as a field force guarding 
the frontiers or as a body perfecting itself in manouvers and 
drills. During these periods each division of the army is ar- 
ranged in three corps -- the married persons, the unmarried 
women, the unmarried men; and to prevent illicit intercourse as 
far as possible the first group is camped between the other two, 
but this precaution, it may here be noted, does not work 

Ownership is communistic, all things belonging to tho 

state. Ho distinction of birth obtains because children are 

assigned to tasks and occupations according to their abilities. 

This abolition of classes is furthered by the law which pr escribes 

that all persons of a given age shall v/ear the pane style and 

color of r-arnent . Food is served at common tables in each 

osmasie , but the evening meal may be eaten in private. The day 
is divided into three equal parts — devoted respectively to 
labor, recreation, and sleep. All over twenty-one work; and 
although those past sixty are exempt, they seldom avail them- 
selves of the privilege. Pregnant women are also excused. 

Their general marriage practice is nolygamous. The vice- 
roy, or prince, is allowed twelve wives, the Brosmasiontes five, 
the Osmasiontes three, the inferior officers two, the commonality 
one each. The viceroy has the further right to take to himself 
upon his exaltation to the throne the most beautiful woman in 
the realm; the first whom he marries after his election is known 
as the T 'vice-queen'', and must be of the blood of Sevarias. Any 
man may keep female slaves as concubines: and women are furnished 
free to all strangers and travellers, but a rigid examination of 
each such man is made so that there shall be no likelihood of 

disease being - communicated. The marriage tie is indissolubl e, 
20. Persons from one year of are to seven wear white; fror. eirht 

to fourteen, yellow; from fifteen to twenty-one p-reen( married 
girls under twenty-one have a frreen striue on their blue 
gowns, the color for all married women un^er twenty-ni^ht ) ; 
twentv-two to twenty-eiprht , blue; twenty-nine to thirty-five, 
light red; thirtv-six to forty-two, dark red; forty-three to 
forty-nine, light frray; fifty to fifty-six, dark gray; fifty- 
seven to sixty-three soot color; sixty-four onward, black. 
Slaves and strangers wear mixed stuffs. Haf?istrates wear 
pnrnle, silver, or gold according to + heir rank. Tarried 
women go veiled. The form of tho coiffure is also indica- 
tive of a woman's age. 

but non of the same rank nay exchange wivos if the women consent; 
and barren wives nay after five years be exchanped for widows. 
This, we learn, is a common practice I Boys narry at the ape of 
twenty-one and girls at the ape of eighteen. Some years before 
reaching this age the two sexes, "properly cha-Heroner 1 , are al- 
lowed to mingle at fortes; and a year or so before they becone 
of ape, they nay declare their choices. Every three nonths the 
marriage cerenony is held in the temnle at which the pirl pro- 
poses to the boy, who may, however, refuse. Should a girl be 
rejected three different tines, a senator who has not yet his 
full quota of wonen nay marry her. Sexual intercourse fron the 
time of marriape to the ape of twenty-eight is regulated by 
statute. Adulterers are whipped. Child-bearing is the chief 
glory of wonen, and for each child reaching the ape of seven the 
mother is entitled to wear a purple stripe on her garment . 

Formal education is begun at the ape of seven, when, with 
appropriate ceremonies, the child is removed from its parent 
and adopted by the state, boys and girls being segregated except 
for the meetings described above. The courses which they 
pursue are, however, the sane. Until the age of eleven the 
pupils study reading, writing, the exercise of arms, and dancing; 
the next three years are devoted to work in agriculture; fron 
fourteen to the age of narriage they are instructed in grannar 
and in sone trade or profession. Only those who nanifest an 
especial genius in sone particular art or science escape the 
rigid prescriptions of this curriculum, such persons being 
allowed to exert their efforts in whatever direction their 
particular talent nay suggest. Mature students are also sent 



abroad to observe foreign customs and culture; but no overseas 
trade in commercial wares is carried on, every precaution boinr 
taken to keep the knowledge of this country secret from the 
rest of the world. The chief end of this system of education 
is the teaching of self-control. 

In philosophy the ir'everambians believe that new worlds 
arise from the destruction of the old, that there are no voids, 
that the universe is infinite, and that all nature is regulated 
by universal law. 'Free discussion is permitted, but conformity 
to the practices of sun-worship is insisted upon, the chief re- 
ligious duties being inward and outward adoration, and love of 
country. Pride, avarice, and idleness are their deadly sins. 
Intemperance is strictly forbidden, the prohibitory measures 
restraining unmarried folk from the use of intoxicants, and 
barring the use of liquor at meals. 

The purely descriptive and narrative elements are, as in 
all Utopias, slight; but there are detailed and rather extended 
descriptions of the great tunnel under the mountain; a fountain 
of water in the gardens at the national capital, Sevarin&e; the 
walls of the city; the palace of the viceroy; the temple; and 
the irrigation canals. Three histories of lovers are also re- 
lated as illustrative of customs — one is that of a seduction; 
the second that of true love and religious persecution; and 
the third that of a girl and her two lovers, and of her choice 
between them. Examples of the Severambian langruage are also 
given, and there is a section of literary criticism in favor of 

quantitative meter and blank verse. 

The closing pages of the L 'Histoire des Severamb es apain 

become personal, Siden telling that after- the establishment of 

osnasi o for tho party, ho was elevated to the rank of Os raslon te, 
and that all the Europeans except the Hollanders, who hoped for 
a roturn to Europe and would not forsake their Christian religion, 
even in outward semblance, settee! down as citizens of Sevcranbia. 
The only difficulty arising from this arrangement was the reluct- 
ance of the government to adopt the children of the party since 
it was feared that they might he weak physically and morally; 
but it was finally agreed that the wholesome climate and laws 
of the country might well overcome these congenital defects, and 
the children were accepted by the state. Misfortune, however, 
entered into the Captain's life after a while; his wives died, 
and van Iluits while out hunting was slain by a bear. Siden 
had meanwhile formed an intimate friendship with Calsimas, a 
Scvarobaste , and in the hope of dispelling his melancholy sought 
through his friend to gain permission for travelling abroad, but 
he gained it only upon a strict promise not to tell any Euro- 
peans about the country and to return at the appointed time. It 
was upon this journey that he net his death as related in the 
Preface . 

Prom even such a brief summary it is clear at once that 
L' Historie des Severambes is the most fully described Utopia which 
had appeared up to 1675. In it customs are much more fully de- 
scribed than in any -previous book of the type, and there is a 
greater diversity of matter; for whereas More devoted most of 
his space to government, Campanella to hierarchical organiza- 
tion, Andrea to religion and education, and Paeon to scientific 
research, Vairasse gives a comprehensive view of all e^rcerit the 
latter. Many of his details are, of course, borrowed. Prom 


riato and his successors ho pot communism and many of its at- 
tendant practices. From Hore and his followers, perhaps most 
directly from Nevillo, ho took the location of his commonwealth. 
Bacon, doubtless, contributed the asylum motif as it anpears in 
the severance of connections with the outside world. But Cam- 
panella appears to have exerted the chief influence unon Vairasse. 
The citizens of Civitas :;olis were Hindus who fled from the 
persecution of the Magi; the founders of Severambia were fugitives 
from the religious oppression of the Persians. Both the states 
are heirarchical; and in both there is the same lack of idealism 
in regard to sexual relations, although Vairasse, in aupearance 
at least, has a nobler concention of it than has Campanella. 
It may be, moreover, that the title Givitas Solis exercised 
some power of suggestion in the choice of a religion for Sever- 
ambia. And the hospitable entertainment of strangers may be 
traced historically through Bacon and Androae to Campanella. 
There is, likewise, a possibility that in his regulations con- 
cerning sexual intercourse after marriage Vairasse is employing 
in earnest what Cyrano de Bergerac wrote in jest. 

In spite of these borrowings, however, Vairasse holds an 
important place in the history of the voyage imaginaire because 
of his originality. First of all, he popularised the -practice 
of relating in the voyage imaginaire "histories" of lovers, 
which became a frequent habit in later representatives of the 
type, and especially in those stories which, while not voyages 
imagina ires , border on the genre, such as Les Adventures d ' un 
Jeune Anglair and the Adventures of Captain Robert Boyle , although 
Erythraeus and .rott had used the device before him. Horeover, 


the woof of Vairasse 's adventure oannot be separated from warp 
of Utopian description without serious injury to the fabric of 
the narrative. Much of the information given is in a descriptive- 
narrative of the journey from Sporunde on the border to Sevarinde 
in the center of the country. Siden, also, together with his 
companions, becomes a citizen of the country, and rises to the 
rank of Osmasionte , acquiring three wives by the way; and his 
return to Europe is a direct result of their deaths and his con- 
sequent homesickness. To remove the autobiography is to destroy 
the book as an artistic production. In former Utopias the author 
was merely a reporter; now he has become an actor. And although 
Andreae and Neville preceded Vairasse in the introduction of the 
shipwreck into the imaginary voyage, the latter is the first to 
develop to any great extent the Robinsonade idea. Andreae merely 
mentions the storm and its consequences; Neville simply uses it 
as a means to get his people into the required situation; Vair- 
asse employs it for the further purpose of gaining verisimilitude. 

An additional effort of Vairasse in this direction of 
forcing belief is probably that author's greatest contribution 
to the development of prose fiction, for his Preface appears 
to be the original of all similar attempts made by later writers. 
In it Vairasse tells that Captain Siden on his return from 
Severambia to Europe was wounded to the death during a naval 
engagement in the English Channel. With his dying breath he 
bequeathed to a physician with whom he had become acquainted 
during the voyage, all his private papers. Among these the 
gentlemen found various notes written "on stray leaves and in 


diverse languauges" 21 Latin, Italian, Fronch, and Provencal -- 
which appeared to conceal a story; but being unable to read all 
the "diverse languages", and not having the tine requisite to 
bring the notes into order, he turned then over to an English- 
nan, the present editor, to translate and arrange for publica- 
tion. r Jhis nan assures the reader that he has personally visited 
M. van Dan, lawyer of the Dutch East India Conpany, and also a 
Dutch connissioner, both of whon confirmed in detail the story 
of the loss of the Dragon d'Or , an East India Conpany ship which 
had sailed fron Batavia and not been heard fron since. Additional 
testinony is offered in a letter written by "nomas Skinner who 
says that while he was in Batavia, a sailor naned Prince had 
told hin of the wreck of a ship, the Gree n or Golden Dragon , he 
has forgotten which, off the coast of Australia, and of sub- 
sequent but unsuccessful attenpts to find the survivors who, 
after having landed, sent eight of their nunber, including 
Prince, to Batavia for help. By a curious "coincidence" eight 
is the nunber in the party sent out according to Siden's story 

and Prince is the only one of the sailors whose nane he renenbered 


when he made his notes. The reader is also assured in the 
first paragraph of the Introduction that "the Republic of Plato, 
the Utopia of Thonas More, and the New Atlantis of Chancellor 
Bacon are only ingenuous inaginations" ; but he is warned that 
too great caution of belief is as senseless as too great cred- 

£1. Voyages Inagi naires , vol. V, pg. xviii, " sur des feu i lies 

detachers , et "en diverses langues " . 
£2. Sane, pg. vi . 



llity. The author, moroovor, asks, after re port i rig the last 

speech of Captain Siden, if one .will question the word of a 
24 nan.° 

Such trickery is familiar to-day. It no longer deceives. 

In 1675, however, the public had not yet been hoaxed by prefaces 

of this sort, although I T ore had done something like it and )r. 

A. J. Tieje has recorded the continued progress of the effort 

to force belief. * Vairasse, in any case, was skillful. His 
authorities anpear unimpeachable; and a public used to tales 
of strange discoveries was not likely to be hypercritical. Aside 
from its ingenuousness, the idea is also noteworthy; for, as 
Dr. A. J. Tieje has pointed out, the Preface and pretended manu- 
script of Vairasse have a numerous progeny. In the voya ge 
imaginaire Foigny, Berington, and many nineteenth century 
authors must trace thoir parentage to him; while among other 
forms of the novel "the real force of the movement" is seen 
in the works of Defoe, Prevost, and Narivaux. 26 

23. Voyages Imaginairos , vol. V, pg. xi : "Geaux qui ont lu las 

republique le Plat on, 1'Hutpoie de Thomas Morus, ou la 
nouvelle Atlantis du chancelier Bacon, qui ne sont que 
des imaginations ingenieuses de ces auteurs, croi,ront, 
peut-e'tre, que les relations des pays nouvelle decouverts, 
ou I'on trouve quelque choses de merveilleux, sont de ce 
genre. II ne faut point condamner la sage precaution 
de ceux qui ne croient pas aisement toutes choses, pourvu 
que la moderation la borne; mais ce seroit une aussi grand' 
obstination de resetter, sans examen, ce qui paroit ex- 
traordinaire, qu'un manque de jugement, de recevoir pour 
veritable, tous les contes que l'on fait souvent des pays 
eloignes" . 

24. Same, pp. xviii - xix. 

25. Tieje, A. J., The Ijxpressed Critical Theory of European 

Prose Fiction before 1740 , ch. III. 

26. Same, pg. 46. 



In the year between the appearanco of the English version 
of L ' Historic den :jevcrambes and that of the French two other 
Utopias wore issued. In England Joseph Glanvil in Essay VII 
of Ant i fanatical Religion arid 'Pree Philosophy continued the ::ow 
Atlantis of Francis Bacon. This essay is chiefly an explanation 
of the Atlantean religious system, which appears to be nothing- 
more than an latitudinarian Anglicanism, purged of all sectarian- 


ism with its attendant abuses and prejudices. This church 
has also rejected slavish adherence to the Aristotelean philosophy 
and especially to the Iloorish perversions of it, and in its r>lace 
has adopted Descartes' mechanical system of physiology as an in- 
genious explanation, needing, however, the complement of Plato's 
vitalising principles. Later "their principles of logic, meta- 
physics, moral philosophy, mathematics, etc., are discussed". 
It appears, nevertheless, that this was not the only such con- 
tinuation which Glanvil wrote; for Mr. Crossley in his Diary 


and Correspondence of Dr . -Vorthington says that he possessed 
a manuscript by Glanvil entitled: Bensalem ; being a Description 
of a Catholic and Free Spirit both in Religion and Learning ; in 
a Continuation of the Story of Lord Bacon 1 s " Tew Atlantis " . The 
manuscript concludes with a series of characters of contemporary 
divines so that it cannot be the same as the Es s ay . The piece, 
Grossley says, is superior to the continuation in the Ant i - 
fanatical Religion . 

27. Glanvil was an ardent adherent of the Established Church. 

28. This summary is based upon that of Mr. Begley, rova Solyma , 

vol. II, pp. 374 - 376. The information which follows is 
from the same source. 

29. Vol. I, pg. 214. 


In Prance at the same time Gabriel Poigny if sued at 
Geneva Leg Avinturo? de Jacques Sad our ; while in the same year 
the same hook wap published at Vannes under a different title 
and with Nicholas Sadeur as the author.^ ?he first of these 
was reissued at Paris in 1692, and translated into English the 
year after. 

Poigny 's efforts to rrain verisimilitude, as well as the 
date of his book, mark him as a near relative of Vairasse. 
Jacques Sadeur is preceded by a Preface , the aim of which, like 
that of L 'Histoire des Severances , is to ?rain credence on the 
part of the reader, although it is by no means so elaborate an 
invention. The chief reliance is upon citations of authorities 
who have given testimony which will corroborate the narrative. 
Foigny also uses the manuscript trick, assering that the story 
has been unknown up to the present because it was in the pos- 
session of a cabinet minister, and has been available for publi- 
cation only since his death. Other and more original means of 
gaining verisimilitude are also employed. After tellin"- of the 

marvellous sheep and fish which he saw on a trip up the River 

Zair in Africa, Sadeur says: "I took care to inform myself 
concerning the crocodiles which historians say exist in great 
numbers throughout this region, but nobody could understand 
what I meant; whereupon I concluded that the tales of those 

30. See Bibliography under Poigny, Mr. P.egley, Nova Solyma , 
vol. II, pg. 363, takes them to be separate works, 
giving 1692 as the date of Jacques Sadeur . 
! 31. B'oigny, Gabriel, Les Avantures de Jacques Sadeur . 1692, 
pp. 43 - 46. 



animals are only pleasant inventions". This statement is 
followed "by a lonr tirade against authors who do not tr-u'el 
"but stay at hone and write arm-chair descriptions of strange 
countries. A device with a similar purpose is his explanation 
as to why Australia has never become known to the rest of the 
world. The seas about it are, with the exception of a few 
channels, so shallow that no ships can approach it; moreover, the 
inhabitants are very ferocious and slay all who land on their 
coasts — Sadeur himself bein£ spared only because of his 
prodigious bravery*^ 3 and his hermaphroditic nature. 

Another element in the Jacques Sadeur , important because 
it tends to emphasize the autobiographical character of the 
voyage inagi naire , is the preliminary narrative. This part of 
the story tells that Jacques Sadeur was born at sea, that his 
parents were drowned in a shipwreck off the coast of Portugal, 
that he was adopted by a Portuguese family, that his godfather 
sought to kidnap him, that he was again shipwrecked, that the 
Count de Villafranca adopted him into his household after he 
had been reared by the Jesuits, that he was carried off by 
pirates, and that he was rescued by the captain of the ship which 
afterward went down in the Indian Ocean. It proceeds with 
Sadeur 's discoveries in Africa and with his voyage around the 
Cape of Good Hope into the South Sea where occurred the storm 

32. Foigny, Gabriel, Les Avantures de Jacques Sadeur , 1692, 

pg. 47: "Je m" informal avec beau coup de soin oti etoient 
les crocodilles que les historiens net tent en p-ran&e 
quantite en ces quartiers; raais on ne put pas m&me deviner 
ce que je voulois dire, ce que me fit croire que ce ne 
sont que des contes faits a plaisir'. 
I 33. Same, Preface and pp. 62 ff. of narrative. 



which cast him upon the coast of Australia. Hero, as in tho 
Han in tho T loono and L ' Histoiro doc ijev o rambes , wo have biographic 
detail, hut in neither of the other two is thero -inythinr ap- 
proaching the completeness of Foigny's narrative .' ,4 This practice 
is of further importance since in the later voyages it became 
the custom to give a more or less full history of the hero's 
life before his real adventure began. The reason for this is 
probably two-fold. Authors doubtless felt that such circum- 
stantiality gave the hero a more tangible personality and so 
rendered belief in the story more likely; and they probably 
realized, also, that it gave to the narrative a rounded, complete- 
ness which there could not be as long as the opening remained 
abrupt as in the Oivitas Solis and the Hew Atlantis ♦ 

After the wreck mentioned in the preceding paragraph 
Sadeur, clinging to a plank, was cast upon the shore of an island, 
but was quickly driven thence by ferocious beasts which even 
pursued him into the water. Still supporting himself by means 
of his board, he took refuge upon another and smaller island, 
which immediately moved off through the sea; but a new danger 
now threatened in the vicious attacks of some huge carnivorous 
birds, one of which by chance clawed the island, whereupon it 
sank, being in reality a whale. Sadeur, now driven to despera- 
tion, his plank gone, managed to wound one of the birds with 
his knife, and relieved of his enemies, succeeded in reaching 
the nearby coast of Australia, where some tall and fair men, 

34. Uore tolls comparatively little about Hythlo&ay. Carrpanella 
and Bacon give no account of their travellers whatsoever. 
Andreae and Hall simply say that they went on a journey. 


who had been interested spectators of the combat, immediately 
took him prisoner. At first they wished to kill hin, but ob- 
serving him to be an hermaphrodite like themselves and having 
seen an exhibition of his courage, they snared him. 

Australia, he learned, was a country containing about 

9,375,000 square miles. It is divided into fifteen thousand 
sezains , each of which is in turn subdivided into sixteen 
quart iers , twenty-five hous es contributing a quar t ier , and four 
persons occupying a house . Property is common, but the details 
of the practice are not described. Government in the accented 
sense there is none; for the Australians look upon all such 
institutions as a perversion of the natural order. ^ Education 
is carried on at the Haab , or collere, to which children are 
presented at birth, and which conducts their education from the 
time they are weaned at the age of two until they reach their 
thirty-fifth year. The first year the child studies lanp-uap-e 
and the elements of philosophy; by the tenth year he can read, 
and by fourteen he has completed his linguistic studies. From 
that age until twent- he occupies himself with serious philosophic 
study. For the five following years astronomy demands his at- 
tention, while the years from twenty -eight to thirty are given 
over to the consideration of history. From the a?re of thirty 
to that of thirty- five the young persons may discuss any subject 
excent religion, for the Australians think that it is folly to 
seek a knowledge of the incomprehensible and the infinite. After 
completing this course the student is made a "lieutenant" at 

35. The actual area of Australia is 2,946,358 square miles. 

36. The book does not appear to have been meant as a satire, but 

there are here as elsewhere throughout it comparisons with 
Europe . 


tho Haab ; and if by the tine he is sixty, a vacancy occurs 
through a master's death, the novitiate is promoted. In order 
that there shall he no decrease in population the law denands 
that each r>erson present at least one child to the Haa b . 

Death the Australians believe to be a happy release from 
life; and they think that after it the soul, which is a universal 
spirit ( Genie ) , enters into another being 1 , but the order of as- 
cension in the transmigration is not made clear. Beinp herma- 
phrodites, they believe that such persons alone are made in the 
divine image, and that they are the descendants of three men 
whom the supreme being created at one breath; they think, also, 
that all unisexual beings are the offspring of twins born to 
Eve after her intercourse with the seruent. Love, other than 
purest friendship, between two individuals they do not them- 
selves know, and sexual attraction as Sadeur explains it to 
them they cannot understand. Their views are explained in a 
lecture delivered to the hero by a master of the Haab . ''Our 
Stove", he says in part, ''is neither carnal nor bestial -- each 

of us suffices wholly for himself; in our state there is nothing 


needed for our happiness or contentment". This absence of 
animal -passion makes also, according to their theory, for more 
healthy children; and their freedom from physical ills is further 
attributed to their temperance in the matter of food and drink. 

37. Jacques Sadeur , 1692, pg. 124: "Notre amour n'a rien de 
cKarneTT ni de brutal, nous nous suffisons pleinemen 
a nousmemes, et nous n'avons besoin de rien pour etr 
heureux, et vivre contents, comme nous faissons". 


The Australian language used for conversation consists of 

signs, Although there is an articulate speech which is em- 
ployed in reading aloud. The language itself is very simple. 
All verbs follow one conjugation;^ there are no declensions 
and no articles. The five vowels represent the five simple 
nouns from which all others are built up: A = fire, E at air, 
I = water, = salt, U = earth. Their thirty-six consonantr 
represent adjectives, and these are combined with the nouns to 
express complex ideas. 

The fauna of the country is marvellous but not abundant. 
A pig-like beast which roots up the ground in straight line, 
Sadeur suggests, might be imported into ourope to replace plows; 
and another animal with a head like a horse and the body of a 
camel might, he says, be useful at home because of its ability 
to carry burdens. There is, also, a sort of ape which is very 
fond of the Australians, and dies of nostalgia if it is removed 
far from them. The chief species of birds are two in number. 
One is the large ferocious kind which attacked Sadeur while he 
was in the sea, and the other is a small kind which warns men 
of the others approach. 

The Australians themselves are fierce and merciless in 
battle, exterminating their enemies to the last man, and ever 
ready to accept the gage of battle and to give it. This cruelty 

38. Gf. Cyrano de Bergerac's vulvar moon language. 

39. The following is the conjuration of the verb as (to love): 

Pres. Pret. Fut . 

la 11a lga llga Ida 11 da 

pa ppa pga ppga pda ppda 

ma mma mga mmga mda mmda 

40. Jacques Sadeur , 1692, pp. 218*220. 


is, in part, the cause of Sadeur's disfavor rnionf* then; for 
having joined then in an assault upon a neighboring island, he 
showed mercy to several women. In addition to this crime he 
had also at one tine proposed sexual intercourse to an Australian. 
For these perversions in his nature he was condemned to eat an 
olive-like fruit which causes death if taken in sufficient 
quantities, this painless execution being the only sort practiced 
by them. Fearing just such an issue Sadeur had caught, tamed, 
and trained one of the large birds; upon its back he now fled, 
reaching Madagascar after a toilsome journey, and returning home 
from that place. 

In general Foigny's book resembles that of Vairasse; in 
fact the resemblance is so great at times as to be suspicious. 
Both locate their ideal states in la terre Australe . Both rive 
ingenious explanations as to why their nations are unknown to 
the rest of the world although Vairasse follows the traditional 
conception of Bacon, while Foisrny furnishes a new one in the 
ferocity and sexual prejudice of his people, and the shallowness 
of the sea around the island. Both authors have a pretended 
manuscript which they claim to have edited. Both have Prefaces 
which are designed to gain verisimilitude, but in this respect 
Vairasse ! s invention is superior to Foigny's. Both, also, 
present similar features of government and state regulation 
although Vairasse is more circumstantial in this respect, and 
Foigny more original. Both discuss the language of their 
nations, in this elaborating for the first time upon the hint 
dropped by More when he created a Utopian alphabet and "iiij 
meters" in that tongue. Both have, furthermore, turned the 

vo y a ftp imaglnairp into a story whereas formerly it had been, 
pzoept with Cyrano, an impersonal exposition of an ideal held 
"by the author. 

Foigny, however, was not entirely unoriginal. He makes 
much more of the preliminary narrative than did Vairasse. T Iis 
government is the most purely anarchistic known in any Utopia. 
His people, too, are in their nature an entirely new sort in 
the voyage imafinaire , and the lore element is far more important 
with him than with any of his predecessors; it is, in fact, much 
more decisively than with vairasse or Cyrano de Berfrerac the 
direct cause of the hero's return to I-Jurope. Why Foipny should 
have introduced so many salacious details and have written at 
length in defence of a sexual peculiarity cannot be said with 
certainty. He himself was, beyond doubt, the victim of a morbid 
sexual obsession; for the chief biographical detail known con- 
cerning him is that he was expelled from the Geneva ministry 

because of his relations with a loose woman whom he afterward 

married. But whatever may be the peculiarity of his work, 
Foigny must share with Vairasse the honor of having made the 
voyage imagiiiaire which aims to depict an ideal state, a story 
as well as a political, religious, or educational tract. 


The subject matter of R. S.'s. Travels of ^uevedo (1684) 

has already been noted in the discussion of Hall's Hun flu s Alter 

It Idem. But the ?refacp deserves attention here because it 

41. Ilichaud, J. F. & L. G . , Biographi e Universelle , article on 

Fo i gnv . 

42. See. ch. III. 


continues the tr-idition begun by Vairasse and T'oigny about a 
decade "before. ?he chief means by which the author Reeks to 
gain the reader's belief is the pretence of a discovered manu- 
script. He tells that arriving at Bilboa he found the document 
in question in a chandler's shop where it was being used for 
wrapping pat>er; and as it was about to take "post" for "Land of 
Oblivion", he redeemed it "from the Tooth of time, and very Paw 
of Destruction". I.Iuch of it had already been destroyed, especially 
those parts which might have indicated the date and author of the 
book, "except in one place where was so Remaining thus much of 
the I.Iouse-eaten Author, Don Q . " ?his"Don Q . " the author con- 
cludes must be either Quevedo or ?uixot ; and he decides in favor 
of the former because Quevedo had travelled through the interior 
of the earth in his dreams^ and so might be allowed to journey 
on its surface in his waking hours, and because "the Spanish 
was excellently Smooth and Eloquent in which our elaborate Don 
was the Nonsuch". Besides, he tells that the manuscript bears 
unmistakable signs of having been "Written with a Cloven Hoof", 
a proof that the author of these travels has "such intimacy 
with the Infernals" as was permitted only to Quevedo. *:ore im- 
portant than this hoax, however, is a statement, new in the 
history of the voyage imagi naire , but old in that of -nrose 
fiction. "Preambles and Allegories, have been used in Sacred 
frit; yet not censured as Romantick; and though this Peregrina- 
tion is represented in the Nature of a Romance; it is only an 
intently Delightful Vanity, to Please and Convince at the same 

43. Quevedo, Francisco, Visions (1607 - 1627) and Voyages 
Recreatif s ~i ~ 


time, Orano tulit punctun qui niscuit utile dr. lei , profitable 
things intermixed with delightful arc captivating". For the 
first tine the voyage imaginaire ir apologizing for ninglinr 
pleasure with profit. Before 1684 there had "been little need 
for that; the works of More, Campanella, Andreae, and Paeon 
were obviously serious, and even those of Vairasse and Foigny 
had, in spite of their entertaining narrative, much solid matter. 
Hall, too, had professed a moral aim, and Cyrano had in him 
more than met the eye. G-odwin alone seems to have had no 
"ulterior mirnone". How, hoever, the amalgamation of the ^ ova re 
imaginaire with other forms of prose fiction seems to be comnlete. 
It has become a story; and, like the novel, it professes to 
aim at a combination of pleasure and instruction. 


In 1692 appeared at London an English version of Gabriel 
Daniel's Voyage du T'onde de Descartes (1690), and two years 
later T. Taylor brought out another translation with the title 
V oyage to the 'orld of the Cartesians . The author of the French 
original was Jesuit priest whose main duty to his order seems 
to have been the writing of polemic and philosophical works, 
among which, apart from that under consideration here, his 
Entretiens de Cleandre et d 'Sudoxe sur les Lettres Provinciales 
(1694) is the most important. Daniel's philosophical studies 
are attested by his mammoth collection Recueil des ouvrares 
philosophiques , theoloerique s , apolog-ctiques et critiques (1724). 
i No wonder, then, that this Jesuit with sharp polemic tonrue and 
| extended knowledge of metaphysics should have been the man to- 

sound the charm against the aetheistic Cartesians and the 
rallying cry o Aquinasian Aristoteleanism. 

According to the author's statement, hit design is "to 
shew that commonly what (Descartes) writes of particular 
matters, is inconsistent with the whole" — an aim presumably 
not far different from that of Fontaines' Relation flu pays flos 
jansenie (1660) which I have not seen. The idea is an important 
one in the history of tho voyage irnagi naire , for it marks a 
new departure of the tyne into philosophic criticism. Hereto- 
fore the voyage had been bent to the purposes of satire — liter- 
ary, moral, or philosophic; but it had not as yet been used to 
make palatable a serious attack upon a serious theory. Taylor 
says in his dedicatory epistle to James Ludfort that herein 
"Philosophy is divested of the Stiffness and Iloroeeness of the 
Schools, and has assum'd the Garb and Air of a more ingenuous 
Education than ordinary. Here is something, Sir, that will 
entertain your Philosophical Minutes, and something that will 
quicken those design 'd for your Diversion; and all so mixt and 
temper 'd, that the Author seems still to have kept his Eye on 
those two main ends, Pleasing and Instructing". It is true 
that this is only an elaboration of the idea expressed by R. s. 
in his Preface to Quevedo 's Travels ; but R, S. was dealing with 
moral satire, Taylor with philosophic criticism. The voyage , 
like other forms of fiction, has taken to defending its esthetic 
qualities by proclaiming' its serious intent. 

The book, as has been said, is uhilosophic satire; but 
in the following summary no attempt will be made to consider the 
metaphysical argument; merely the story is presented since the 


method and not the matter is of interest here. The author, an 
opponent of Cartesian philosophy, happens to meet an old gentle- 
man who is a believer in it. This person assures the writer 
that Descartes is not dead, but that being possessed of a secret 
power whereby the soul could be liberated from the body for 
desired periods, he frequently made such extra-corporeal excur- 
sions until one time the soul on its return found the body in 
a state unfit for its reception, and so flew off to interstellar 
space where it has ever since resided. So enthusiastic v/as he 
to prove this that he offered to take the author for a visit to 
the learned philosopher. The invitation having been accepted, 
the powder was administered, a dv/arf left to care for the body 
until the writer's return, and the journey begun in company with 
the gentleman and Father Mersennus. Their first halt was on the 
top of a tower where they held a discussion of Descartes theory 
of motion and force. Having soared thence into space, the party 
met Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle, the last of whom plunged at 
once into a long harangue against the Cartesian principles, but 
at the close he rushed off before Father Kersennus could reply. 
They next entered the Moon which is represented as divided a- 
mong the various philosophers who formerly lived on this earth, 
the author seizing the opportunity to take a fling at Cyrano de 
Bergerac by explaining that the latter 1 s account of that planet 
is untrue because the disembodied spirits which inhabit it had 
conspired together to deceive him during his visit there, j n 
the Moon the party saw the walls of Plato T s republic, but were 
not allowed to enter; Aristotle's state, however, they found 
to be very magnificent. On their going thence, they were ac- 

oompanied by an embassy which was to seek an alliance with the 
Cartesians. Resuming the way, they met a Chinese Mandarin to 
whom Mersennus had formerly given a copy of Descartes' Demonstra- 
tion of the Existence of God . The oriental now confessed that he 
had been converted to Christianity through the instrumentality 
of the book; but he hastened to add, greatly to the chagrin of 
Father Mersennus, that the cause of the conversion was hearing 
Descartes' contentions refuted by a disciple of Thomas Aquinas. 
After this confession, the Mandarin, like Aristotle hurried away 
before answer could be made. Soon afterward they reached the 
dwelling place of Descartes, and the Peripetetic ambassadors 
presented their terms of alliance which were summarily rejected 
by the Frenchman. A long discussion of contemporary philosophic 
criticism was then started by Descartes' inquiry as to his recep- 
tion in the world. To explain the theory of vortices ho 
created a world for his visitors. The return journey to the 
Earth was made without mishap; but on entering his body again 
the author's soul found that the dwarf had so disarranged his 
ideas that he had become an ardent disciple of Cartesianism. 
Blis friends, however, soon won him back to orthodoxy; and at 
the end of the book he was so far recovered from his heresy as 
to address a letter to Descartes containing some pertinent 
inquiries regarding the system. 

Daniel added little, if anything, to the actual 
practice of the voyage imaginaire , except to give it a more 
serious tone and to proclaim the virtue of uniting pleasure and 
jprofit. Cyrano de Bergerac preceded him in making the narrative 
a vehicle for philosophic satire; and the satirical voyage, which 


I is as old as Lucian, whom Daniel mentions in his General View of 
1 the Whole Work, had been revived in Daniel's own century by 
I Hall and his imitators, as well as by Cyrano whom Daniel intro- 
I duces into his book. Lucian, Godwin, and Cyrano had, also, told 
i of journeys to the moon; and although Daniel's explanation of the 
h manner of the journey is more plausible than those of his prede- 
■cessors, even it is not convincingly probable. R. 3., too, had 
■ said in his Preface briefly all that Daniel says more at length 
■about mingling amusement with instruction; and the doctrine was 
■o common among writers of prose fiction that it cannot be con- 
I sidered original even in R. S. Daniel's book is, however, the 
■first in which the really serious element overshadows the more 
B frivolous. Hall and his imitators and translators made their 
work too racy to be really effective as moral purgatives; Cyrano 
was too vague and too flippant to have had any corrective effect 
! on the minds of men; Daniel, on the other hand, is primarily 

interested in demonstrating the fallacies of the Cartesian system. 
But later writers, because of the inadaptibility of the voyage 
to Daniel's purposes, chose to follow after Lucian, Hall, and 
Cyrano; and Daniel's influence, consequently, is practically nil. 


This same period produced other and lesser voyages 
imaginaires . which, since they have not been available for the 
purposes of this study, can here be afforded only a brief mention. 
In 1666 Llargaret Duchess of Newcastle published the Blazing '.'/or Id , 
•which seems to have been popular enough to be reprinted in 1688. 
| The story tells that a young lady, while gathering shells along 

the sea-shore, was carried off by an amorous merchant; but the 
vessel upon which the escape was made, was driven toward the 
North Pole, and thence attracted toward the Pole of another and 
nearby world. The cold, which was doubled by the proximity of 
the two poles, caused the deaths of all except the lady, who was 
rescued by kindly bear-men and escorted to the palace of the 
emperor, a wonderful house built of gold and diamonds. The em- 
peror, of course, married the lady, and then sent for Margaret 

of Newcastle, "a plain and rational writer" to be her tutor. The 


book then diverges into a philosophical discussion. Eleven 
years after the reprint of this work Der Wohlgerichtete Staat 
Ophir was printed anonymously at Leipzig, which according to Mr. 
Begley's summary is a Utopia and not a voyage imaginaire Daniel 
Defoe in 1705 "found time to compose and publish his dull political 
allegory The Consolidator " , 46 During the same year this work was 
continued in A Journey to the Moon , A Second and More trange 
Journey to the Moon , and A Letter from the Man in the Moon to 
the Author of the " True Eorn Englishman" . Tyssot's Voyage et 
Aventures de Jacques . isse (1710) I have not seen, but Desfon- 
taine's casual reference to it^ would seem to indicate that it 
belongs in the same class with Foigny's Jacques Sadeur . Montes- 
quieu's Histoire des Troglodites , published in the Lettres Per sane s 
is included in Gamier T s collection of Voyages Imaginaires : 48 but 

44. V/hitraore, Clara H. , Women's Work in Enc-lish Fiction , 1910, 
pp. 6-7. 

.45. II ova Solyma . vol. II, pp. 382 - 384. 

46. Trent, V/. P., Camb ridge History of English Literature , vol. IX. 

pg. 13. 

47. Preface to his translation of Gulliver's Travels , Ve — - cg Pmag - 

, vol. XIV, pg. xxii. The hero's name Is sometimes 
spelled Mace. 

48. Vol. X, pp. 213 - 222. 


it is simply the description 6f an imaginary state — there is 
no journey. Tyssot de Patot's La Vie, les Avail tures . et le 
Voyage de Groenland du Reverend Pere Cordelier Pierre de Mesonge 
(1720) I suspect to be historical, Chetwood's Voyages of Richard 

Micr (17^0) is very likely not dissimilar to his Adventures 
of Captain Robert Boyle or else to Defoe's Captain Singleton ; 
tut I should suppose more likely to the former. 

A backward glance over the period will at once reveal 
that not all men in it are equally important or equally influen- 
tial. Montpensier, d'Aubignac, and Tallement ; ad descendants 
in the following century, but the posterity, like the parents, 
have remained obscure and neglected. Glanvil's religious in- 
terest did not carry him beyond his day; and while the original 
of the II ew Atlantis survives, the continuation is all but un- 
known. Barnes, likewise, contributed little to the type; his 
dwarfs may have suggested those of Swift, but pigmies in one 
form or another v/ere known in fiction long before 1675; and his 
attempt to gain verisimilitude was not only old fashioned in his 
day, but was overshadowed by the more successful efforts of more 
talented men. Cyrano de Bergerac, the first great figure of 
the period, did, however, have a real influence. To him later 
authors owe suggestions for making the voyage imarinaire satiric 
of philosophical ideas and of man's conception of himself; and 
to him also is owing a revival of interest in carrying the 
traveller into places not of this earth. Individual writers, 
moreover, borrowed from him individual details; but these can 
best be discussed in the next chapter. Vairasse made a still 
more original contribution to the development not only of the 


voyage imaginaire . but to that of prose fiction as a whole. His 
Utopian ideas are not essentially different from those of his 
predecessors, but he first made the Robinsonade element an in- 
tegral part of those voyages imaginaires which dealt with the sea. 
His Preface t moreover, is the first to present an elaborate and 
carefully worked out scheme for the purpose of creating verisimil- 
itude. Foigny's influence was along similar lines, although his 
Preface is not so pretentious as Vairasse's, and is built after 
the more conventional pattern of Barnes and Godwin. He does, how- 
ever, introduce into the body of the narrative many details which 
are designed to force the reader's belief — a practice not fre- 
quent before him but common after him. All three of these men 
helped, furthermore, to make the voyage more of a story, and to 
give the hero something of a personality although he is still 
:not drawn in detail. They also introduce into the story for the 
first time love episodes which have a more or less vital connection 
with the main thread of the narrative — a custom probably borrowed 
[from other types of prose fiction. In each case, also, the love 
element has some influence in causing the hero to depart for his 


native land. 3 Daniel at the end of the period added nothing new, 
except to turn the voyage imaginaire to more serious purposes 
than had his predecessors; but later authors chose to keep serious 
philosophical discussion within the bounds of imaginative restraint 

49. Cyrano flees from the Iloon because of the persistent court- 
ing of the lady-in-waiting: Siden gets homesick after 
his wives' deaths; and Sadeur is sentenced to death for 
evincing carnal desires. 

En general, then, it is clear that the voyage imaftinai re has 
established itself as a medium not only for the presentation of 
ttopian ideas, but for those of any other kind as well; that it 
pas become true fiction v/ith something of character portrayal, 
[Love interest, and narrative suspense; and that authors of the 
type have seen the necessity for a careful effort to force be- 
lief, and have supplied it. 


Chapter V. 

(1726 - 1799) 

When the second quarter of the eighteenth century opened, 
the voyage imaginaire had already he come a story, and this char- 
acter is maintained throughout the whole of the new period. Pure 
story forms appeared although as yet they did not "become numerous; 
for the "ulterior purpose" which the narrative had always had, 
was still retained — the famous voyages of the century, Swift's, 
Desfontaine 's, and Holberg's, being satires. The Utopias, how- 
ever, were less numerous and often less serious. The Robinsonade 
element, too, now became yet more important than it had in the 
previous half-century, practically every voyage making use of 
this device, because of the tremendous and widespread popularity 
of Def oe ' s Robinson Crusoe ( 1719 ) . 

Two of these developments are illustrated in the first 
voyage imaginaire of the new period; for the anonymous Relation 
d 'un Voyage du Pole Arctique au Pole Ant arctique par le Centre 
du Llonde (1723) is a pure story form of the voyage containing 
Robinsonade characteristics. As are all other books of the type 
it is autobiographic, the author-hero representing himself as 
a traveller of wide experience who has, for the sake of new ad- 
venture, shipped from Amsterdam on a Greenland whaler. The ship 
was caught in a current and carried ranidly toward the North Pole 


where it plunged into an abyss and finally emerged at the op- 
posite extremity of the earth. The rest of the Btory is occupied 
with a description of wonderful sights, such as the fish with 
golden tails that swim head downward in the whirlpool at the 
North Pole, vari-colored meteors, ice mountains, cold surinps, 
caverns breathing forth hot air, huge sandbanks, boiling seas, 
and curious spots of hot and cold earth. Great toads with pale 
blue crests, black snails with green shells, and eagles both 
green and brown furnish the travellers further thrills. No 
people were discovered although ruined walls and a curious temple 
suggested traces of a lost race. The ship in time reached the 
Cape of Good Hope whence it cleared for Amsterdam where it ar- 
rived safely. 

This voyage is obviously unimportant in the history of 
the type. There is in it no human interest, and the marvels 
are too perfunctorily described to excite the reader's imagina- 
tion. If Paltock knew it, as there is no record that he did, 
it may have suggested to him the idea of locating his nation of 
winged folk at the South Pole, and the current which rushes to- 
ward the end of the earth; but other than that it could have 
had no influence upon him, for the two books are utterly unlike 
in all other respects. The Relation appears not to have been re- 
issued, and is preserved, it seems, only in Garnier's Voyages 
Imaginaires .1 

The year 1726, however, saw the publication of the most 
considerable English voyage imaginaire Qver produced — Swift's 

1. Voyages Imaginaires , vol. XIX, pp. 367 - 414. 


Gulliver's Travels, or as the original title page read^ Travels 
Into Several Remote nations of the World , in Pour Parts, bv_ 
Captain Lemuel Gulliver . The work at once pained popularity. 
Six re-issues took place before the close of 1727, and by 1747 
a fifth edition had been printed. L'Abbe Desfontaine translated 
the work into French almost immediately upon its appearance; but 
treatod it so freely and in his Preface made such derogatory 
remarks about the author that he roused Swift's ire and had to 
make a retraction. An anonymous French version printed at The 
Hague receded that of Desfontaine and a Dutch translation also 
appeared at that city in 1727. In England the literary public 
was taken by storm. The joint letter from Pope and Gay to 
Swift tells of enthusiastic reception given the book even by the 
politicians; and another from the Barl of Peterborough "confirms 
the fact that the language of Gulliver had captivated the imagin- 
ation of the public." Even when Lady Mary V/ortley Montagu wrote 
in detraction of the volume, she could do no less than say; "Here 
is a book come out, that all our people of taste run mad about." 

Gulliver ' s Travels is a direct outgrowth of its author's 
misanthropic nature. In 1720 or thereabout when he began the 
composition of the work the disappointment at his repeated fail- 
ures to gain political and church preferment sat heavy upon him. 
Queen Anne having taken offence at the satirical gibes in the 
Tale of the Tub , Swift had to remain content with a Deanery when 
he had hoped for a Bishopric. At Temple's death the Zing con- 

i. Dennis, G. R . , editor, Prose Works of Johnathan Swift , 1899, 

vol. VIII, Introduction , pp. xxi - xxii . 
3. Same, pp. xvii - xx. The following quotations are taken 

from this source. 


veniontly forgot the promises he had made to look out for Swift's 
promotion, and again the brilliantly capable younr man had to 
sit by while others of lesser ability were elevated above him. 
Not all his genius seemed able to outweigh the mere talent of 
his competitors. In addition to bearing this load of disappoint- 
ment, Swift suffered greatly from a disease, painful even though 
intermittent as yet, but prophesying darkly for the future. A 
keen and bitter wit lighted up the pages of the first parts of 
Gulliver ; a somber madness stains those of the last. I T ature 
and misfortune seem to have combined in Swift to make him pen 
at once the keenest satire on the human race and the blackest 
libel ever charged against mankind. 

The contents of the work are too well known to require 
a summary here; but it may be pointed out that Swift in each 
of the four books makes use of the Robinsonade method, or some 
variation of it, to get Gulliver into a strange land. In Book 
I the captain is shipwrecked off the coast of Lilliput, and 
reaches shore only after efforts similar to those exerted by 
Kobinson Crusoe. A storm carries the ship into unknown seas in 
Book II, and Gulliver is abandoned by his frightened comrades 
on the shores of Brobdingnag. In Book III he is cast adrift; 
and in Book IV a conspiracy among his crew causes him to be set 
ashore in the land of the Houyhnhnms . Such detail suggests that 
Swift was influenced by Defoe's Robinson Crusoe which appeared 

just before the composition of the Travels during Swift's 


"exile" in Ireland during the years 1720 to 1726. They would 

seem to indicate, also, that he knew the works of Vairasse and 

Dennis, G. R. , Introduction , pp. i - ii; and Poll, Max, The 
Sources of Gulliver's Trav els, Publications of the Univer- 
sity of Cincinnati, Ser. II, vol. Ill, pg. 1. 


tfoigny; and it is not unlikely that he had some acquaintance with 
the contemporary literature of the sea which v/as full of just 
such adventu res . ^ 

To trace in detail all of Swift's borrowings would, of 
course, be a task in itself; and most of them have already been 
pointed out by his editors and commentators. The satire had its 
inception in the project of the Scriblerus Club v/hich proposed to 
write the Memoirs of ilartinus Scriblerus , a wrongheaded pedant 
who persisted in dabbling in^ all sorts of sciences even when 
he was most ignorant of them. In the conclur'inp chapter of 
this work is contained the outline of Gulliver . According to it 
"in his first voyage (scriblerus) was carried by a prosperous 
storm to a discovery of the remnants of the ancient pygmean em- 
pire"; "in his second, ho was happily shipwrecked on the land of 
Giants, now the most humane people in the world"; "in his third 
voyage, he discovered the whole nation of philosophers, who 
govern by mathematics"; and "in his fourth voyage, he discovery 
a vein of melancholy proceeding almost to a disgust of the 
species". 7 It is pretty certain, also, that the Lilliputians 
were suggested to Swift by Philostratus, 8 although he may also 
have known Barnes 1 Gerania ; and that the giants of Brobdingnag 
were borrowed from Cyrano de Bergerac's huge beings in L 'Etat 

5. Dennis, G. R • , Introduction , pg. xxiii - xxiv. 

6. Published 1741. 

7. Pope, Alexander, Works, edition 1806, vol. VI, pp. 171 ff. 

See also G. R. Dennis, Prose Works of Johnathan Swift , Intro - 
duction , pg. i; and I lax Poll, Sources of Gulliver's Travels , 
pg. 2. 

8. Scott, Walter, Wo rks of Johnathan Swi ft , second edition, 1824, 

vol. XI, pg. 7. See also Max Poll, Sources of Gulliver 's 
Travels , pg. 6. 


de la Lune . 9 Other materials borrowed from Cyrano de Bergerac 
are the general contempt shown for mankind in the Frenchman's 
L'Etat de la Lune and L'Histoire des Oiseaux. This latter work, 
beyond doubt, also is, I believe, the patter^ for his fierce 
satire in the last voyage of Gulliver, although Poll thinks that 
Swift there borrowed from Godwin's Man in the Moone . 10 Another 
suggestion made by Poll is that the idea for this journey may have 
been taken from Diodorus 1 summary of Iambulos; but he confesses 
the lack of evidence. 11 The mountebank performance, the love 
incident, the discussion of the hero's rationality, and the con- 
clusion that he is some sort of an animal, or at best an abortion 
are common, likewise, to the first part of Cyrano de Bergerac 's 
work and the second part of Swift's. Poll thinks, furthermore, 

that the method by which Gulliver extinguished the fire in Lilli- 


put is taken from Rabelais. 

Yet however much incident the famous Dean of St. Patrick's 
may have borrowed, he still holds by his originality a high place 
' in the development of the voyage imaginaire . Before him imaginary 
states had been described for their excellence; before him satiri- 
cal voyages had been written narrating the hero's experiences in 
strange lands; but he, for the first time, combined the two in the 
voyage to Brobdingnag. Likewise he was the first author of the 
voyage imaginaire to describe allegoric ally the state of contem- 
porary society as it is reflected in Lilliput, although Hall had 
done something similar in those portions of the Mundus Alter et 

Idem which ridicule Germany. The Dean, however, is much more 

! 9. Poll, Max, Sources of Gulliver 1 s Travels , pp. 10 ff . 

10. Same, pp. 20 - 21. 

11. Same, pp. 22 - 23. 
1112. Same, pg. 8, 


exact and specific in his satire than is the Bishop, it being 
possible to identify almost every incident in Gulliver's first 
adventure with one at the court of Queen Anne. Such a practice 
rendered great service to the satirical type of the voyage imagin - 
aire ; for whereas in Hall the attack was of a general nature 
and in Cyrano de Bergerac so vague as to lose much of its force, 
in Swift it is direct and trenchant. The object upon which his 
wrath falls can never be mistaken. We know that in Parts I and 

II European politics are being dissected; we know that in Part 

III pedantry of a clearly defined sort is being ridiculed; we 
know that in Part IV all of Swift's misanthropy and hatred of 
mankind are on display. The effect of this new development upon 
the imaginary voyage is seen in Swift's immediate descendants — 
Desfontaine, Brunt, Holberg, Bethune, and Houmier. 

Of equal importance are Swift's innovations in the art of 

gaining verisimilitude. His preface is, of course, done according 

to the tradition of Vairasse; for in spi£e of his insinuation 

that he had not "so far degenerated as to defent his veracity", 1 ^ 


the Letter from Captain Gulliver to his Cousin Sympson as well 
as the address of the publisher to the reader have no other aim 
than establishing the truth of the narrative. In the latter we 
are assured that Captain Gulliver "now lives retired, yet in good 
esteem among his neighbors", that "in the churchyard at Banbury 
several tombs and monuments of the Gullivers" may be observed, 
and that "the author was so distinguished for his veracity, that 
it became a sort of proverb among his neighbors at Redriff , to 

13. Dennis, G. R. , Prose Works , vol. VIII, pg. 9. 

14. Dated April 2, 1727. First printed in Faulkner's edition, 

Dublin, 1735. 


say it was as true as if Mr. Gulliver had spoke it"." LL ' And to 

warn off nautical critics the publisher announces that he alone 

is responsible for any errors in "sea-affairs" since he "made 

bold to strike out innumerable passages" dealing with such 

matters. The letter voices a series of complaints against 

cousin Sympson for altering the meaning of many parts, and against 

the printer for being "so careless as to confound the times, and 

mistake the dates of of my several voyages and returns; neither 

assigning the true year, or the true month, or day of the month" . 

And correction is prevented because "the original manuscript is 


all destroyed, since the publication of my book". Similar 
testimony had been offered long before 1727; Swift is here doing 
only what his predecessors did. 

The task of gaining verisimilitude could not, however, stop 
with a preface in the case of Gulliver. As long as the author 
had to create belief in the existence only of an imaginary state 
peopled with beings not essentially different from the men and 
women of Europe, the efforts of More and Vairasse were sufficient. 
When, however, the inhabitants as well as the country were 
fundamentally unlike those familiar to Europeans, the task of 
gaining the reader's credence became more difficult. The mind 
that accepted the Utopians or the Severambians as real was likely 
to reject pigmies and giants and rational horses as fantastic. 
Swift was, of course, not the first to enter this realm of the 
imagination; but, as we have seen, neither Godwin nor Cyrano de 
Bergerac made any extended effort to force belief. Poigny with 

Dennis, G. R. , Prose Works, vol. VIII, pg. 3. 

16. Same, pg. 4. 

17. Same, pg. 7. 

18. Same, pg. 7. 


this end in view did incorporate some details into his narrative, 
such as the shallowness of the waters around Australia and the 
vindictive cruelty of his hermaphrodites toward all uni-sexual 
persons; yet even his people differ in no essential regard ex- 
cept that of sex from those of other nations. And Barnes who 
first treats of a little people relies solely upon the cita- 
tion of authority. Swift, on the other hand, gains verisimili- 
tude by careful exactness of detail. His Lilliputians do not 
differ from Europeans except in height; but when he shortens the 
stature of the people, he decreases the size of all other things 
in Lilliput; in Brobdingnag all things are enlarged in proportion 
to the height of the inhabitants; and in the land of the 
Houyhnhnms food and shelter are such as horses everywhere are 
supplied with. Furthermore, the autobiographical element, which 
in the earlier Utopias, such as More f s Campanella's , Andreae's, 
and Bacon's, had been largely, if not entirely, ignored, and 
which in the works of Vairasse and Foigny was chiefly used as 
introductory material, became in Swift not only a large but 
even an integral part of the story. Even more than with L'His - 
toire des Severambes it cannot be removed without destroying 
the whole work; and the result is, to quote Mr. Moriarty, that 

"the adventures of Captain Gulliver have formed the 

delight of countless children". * Personal adventure also has, 
in the effort to make the work seem true, now come to play an 
even larger part in the imaginary voyage than it had in the pro- 
ductions of Cyrano de Bergerac and Vairasse with the natural 

consequence that the narrative interest has also been heightened. 
19. Moriarty, G. P., Dean Swift and His Writings , 1892, pg. 


Not yet was the time ripe for a voyage imaginaire to be written 
for amusement alone; but even as all prose fiction was tending 
more or less to acquire, in addition to its obviously didactic 
tone, an artistic quality so was the imaginary voyage. The 
drug of ulterior purpose was being more and more neutralized 
by the siigar-coating of the story. 


One of the immediate literary results of Gulliver 's Travels 
was to inspire in France l T Abbe Desfontaine to write his Kouveau 
Gulliver (1728), in which Jean, the eldest son of Captain Lemuel 
Gulliver, becoming disgusted with his university studies, ran 
off to sea, sailing in a ship bound for China. Having arrived 
in eastern waters, the captain of the vessel was informed that 
trade in the Chinese ports was poor, and so he sailed to the 
northward; but a pirate ship soon afterward captured them and 
carried them into a port of Babilary, a land ruled by women, who 
some time before had seized the political power and subjugated 
all men to the position held by women in Europe. This inversion 
of the accepted order furnished the author with abundant oppor- 
tunities for satire, none of which he neglected to seize. Of 
greatest interest in this country is a huge illustrated universal 
dictionary, each page of which is given over to a word; at the 
top is a picture depicting its meaning, while below the word 
itself is printed in the Babilary tongue and in all other lan- 
guages which the people of that nation know. Gulliver and his 
companions escaped by the machinations of Mejax, a naval captain, 
I who seduced the hero while he was in the royal seraglio awaiting 

I - 


the consummation of his nuptials with the Queen. The Babilarians, 
of course, pursued them; but in the naval battle which followed 
the Europeans were victorious although Mejax was slain, 

Not long after this escape the ship was wrecked in the 
Indian Ocean, and Gulliver, separated from the rest of the crew, 
was cast upon the island of Tillibet where the inhabitants begin 
to speak at the age of a few hours and die at that of twenty 
years, A dramatic conversation between Gulliver, his host, and 
a servant voices a sharp satire upon the European waste of time. 

Having got out of this land upon a Portuguese ship which 
put in for water, the hero met his next adventure on the isle of 
Manouham, where the ship's company landed in hopes of finding 
the means to repair their vessel. There he and some others of 
the crew were captured by savages after a running fight, and 
were about to be put to death when their companions rescued them. 
But while the shore party was making preparations for plugging 
the leaks in the ship, those of crew still on board raised 
anchor and abandoned them. The castav/ays finally fell in with 
a tribe of friendly Indians among whom they lived in peace and 
amity, helping them subdue and convert to a noble humanitarian ism 
their hostile neighbors. In the meantime Gulliver held many 
conversations with one of the tribe in which the "noble savage" 
appeared to marked advantage beside his civilized companion. 

The Europeans were, not long after, rescued by a Dutch 
ship, Gulliver once more experiencing the tragedy of "disprized 
love"; for an Indian maiden deeply enamoured of him, cast herself 
into the sea as the vessel weighed anchor, and was drowned. On 
board Gulliver found his first captain who told him of his own 


sojourn anions a humpbacked people. The descriptions of weddings 
and of court visits, and the efforts of these people to increase 
the size of their humps are obvious satires upon court customs 
and external appearances. In a short time the ship put into 
L 1 Isle d'Estats of the Terra del Fuego group, where Gulliver 
heard various stories of the islands roundabout — those of the 
poets, doctors, philosophers, and gourmands. 

Sailing from this place, he again met adventure upon an 
island off the coast of Chile where he and one shipmate were 
abandoned by accident as the rest of the party beat a precipitate 
retreat before a family of huge bears. In this place they found 
a people who when they reached the age of seventy began to grow 
young again. This nation had strict sumptuary laws governing 
the amount of air one might breathe, the amount of exercise and 
sleep to be taken, and the sort of food to be eaten. The flesh 
of animals, for instance, is absolutely forbidden as an article 
oi diet because all animate beings are supposed to be brothers 
of mankind since they all possess souls. The sailors, however, 
soon grew tired of vegetarianism; and after long argument per- 
suading their host that while fish might have souls, they could 
in no way be considered brothers to men, the Europeans gained 
permission to obtain such food supplies. Having rowed off shore 
for this purpose, the two men were picked up by a passing French 
ship on which they returned home. This last division of the 
book also contains the history of two lovers who were cruelly 
divided by parental objection, but were finally united after 
being cast separately upon the coast of Chile by storms. Their 
adventures serve primarily as a means for satirising civilized 


society by pointing out its artificiality and lack of sympathetic 
contact . 

As a part of hie effort to force belief Desfontaine tells 
in the last chapter that the book was composed durinr the return 
voyage so that Gulliver on landing mip*ht sell the manuscript in 
order to recoup his shattered finances. He accounts for the 
French version and its appearance before the Enrlish edition by 
tollinn that a youn>? Frenchman on the boat whiled away his leisure 
time making a translation which, by Gulliver's leave, he published 
immediately upon his return to France. Otherwise Desfontaine 
made no particular attempt to ^ain verisimilitude, relying evi- 
dently in a larnre measure directly upon the name of his hero, and 
so indirectly upon Swift's Preface . The likelihood of the narra- 
tive is further increased by the probability of the wrecks and 
misadventures which throw young Gulliver upon strange coasts, 
and by the general natures of the peoples found, both the Babilar- 
ians and the savages presenting no very extraordinary features. 
On the whole, the effort put forth appears rather futile when it 
is compared with the pretentious introduction of Vairasse or with 
the clever deception, as well as the artistic merit of Swift's 
practice . 

Desfontaine protests vigorously in his Pre face that he 
did not copy from Swift, and that the only thin*? he borrowed from 
the illustrious Englishman was the name of his hero. As far as 
material goes this is true. There is no external resemblance 
between the lands seen by the son and those visited by the father. 
Fundamentally, however, there is imitation. Both Swift and 
Desfontaine sought to satirize the various aspects of society. 



The former with his greater genius and his fiercer hate produced 
a crushing denunciation of all mankind; the latter with hie 
lesser brilliancy and in his more hurried execution wrote a 
satire pointed, but after all comparatively mild. No matter how 
new his peoples, his countries, and his incidents, no amount of 
protest will expunge the fact that in his Nouveau Gulliver Jes- 
fontaine followed carefully in the footsteps of the man whose 
work he translated. 

Nothing really new was added to the practice of the voyage 
imaginaire by Desfontaine. His journey was over the beaten track-- 
the seas about China, the Indian Ocean, and Terra del Puego ; his 
shipwrecks are a reproduction of a hundred others. Again follow- 
ing Swift's lead he did make his satire a story, but here, too, 
his genius is inferior to that of the Englishman; and the narra- 
tive detail often seems forced into the tale rather than to be 
an intrinsic part of it. And even in the effort to gain verisim- 
ilitude Desfontaine had recurrence to the time worn practice of 

citing doubtful authorities to show that strange things do exist 

in the world. His work is important only in-as-much as it 
illustrates the growth of the new tradition in the history of the 
voyage imaginaire . 

The sterility of Desfontaine 's indention and his choice 
of method were largely determined by the character of his regular 
work. A Jesuit priest, attached to the staff of the Journal des 
Savants , his duties in this connection occupied much of his time. 
He was, moreover, perpetually involved in controversy, that with 
Voltaire bringing him most publicity, if not most honor, and he 

20. Voyages Imaginaires , vol. XV, pp. 347 - 356. 

had as part of his duty the continued writing of polemic criti- 
cism. Weighed dov/n under the burden of this enforced literary 
production Desfontaine had to seize upon any and all tools which 
came ready to his hand. Originality had no time to mature in 
him. Imitation was his only salvation. There was no time for 
polish in style, nor for consideration in judgment. Carelessness 
and precipitancy mar his work, and the Nouveau Gulliver suffers 
no more in these respects than do his other publications. Still 
it is a bold attempt, full of latent possibilities which augur 
great things for it had its author not been forced to let it come 
before its time into this breathing world "scarce half made-up". 


A more interesting volume is a Voyage to Cacklogallinia , 

sometimes ascribed, on what grounds I cannot discover, to Dean 

Swift, but bearing on its title page the name of Captain Samuel 


Brunt, whoever he may have been. It appeared in 1727, but does 
not seem to have been re-issued or to have been widely popular; 
at least a certain "D. M." who inserted a leaf in what is now the 
University of Illinois copy says that he "never saw above three 
copies of it", and reprints are not discoverable. The story is 
that of an Englishman who landing with some companions on the coast 
of Jamaica to make their way to Kingston, the winds being adverse 
to a passage by sea, was carried off by a band of runaway slaves. 
His fellows were immediately slain; but he was preserved by the 
intervention of a negro to whom, on a previous visit to the island, 
he had shown compassion, and was carried to one of their villages 

81. The British LIuseum catalog says Brunt is a pseudonym. 


in the mountains, shortly afterward the negroes were attacked 
by the whites; and being driven from their strongholds, sore of 
then, still carrying Brunt with them, got after considerable dif- 
ficulty to the coast, and stealing a canoe, put to sea. The 
party was shortly picked up by a pirate ship; and after various 
adventures such as witnessing a mutiny and participating in a 
fight against a superior force, the hero was cast, following the 
wreck of the vessel, upon the shores of an unknown country. 

Having proceeded inland and slept under a tree for the 
night, he was surprised at dawn by being taken prisoner by a race 
of huge chickens which inhabited this land. These took him for 
a monstrosity, and so named him Probusomo , which in their language 
signifies a strange and uncouth animal. Later his captor took 
him to court and presented him as a gift to the Prime Minister 
for whom Brunt served as a spy after learning the Cacklogallinian 
language. His discoverer, being rewarded the title equivalent to 
Esquire for his present, at once increased nine inches in height 
and a proportionate amount in girth as is the manner of folk in 
that country whenever they are promoted. Following his introduc- 
tion at court, Brunt conversed with Brusqualo, the Minister, de- 
scribing England in the most laudatory terms and comparing it 
with Cacklogallinia, which in word and deed is an intensely vile 
country. An example of Brunt's method is found in his description 
of their religion. In the temple hung a globe of gold, formerly 
very large, which each sect as it gained the predominating in- 
fluence in the state had melted down and recast until at the time 
of the story it had decreased to a negligible size. That this 
precious metal might again be brought into the realm an upstart 
politician suggested that the "spirit of the world", which was 


the all creator, might be fetched fron the Moon in order to trans- 
mute base metals into rare. Brunt, in spite of his opposition to 
the scheme, was sent, carried in a chariot supported by servants, 
to get this "spirit". He passed safely through the middle regions 
of the universe, experiencing neither heat, nor cold, nor hunger, 
nor other inconcenience on the way. On the Moon he found a race 
of disembodied spirits -- the souls of men who had died and were 
there awaiting a further purging away of the soul "body" so that 
they might arise to heaven. By the courtesy of these people he 
alpo saw the souls of those earth-dwellers who dreamt by night $ 
for when men dream their souls mount upward to the "!oon where the 
spirit undergoes all the sufferings which its owner experiences in 
his visions. The hero failed, however, to obtain the object of 
his journey since the inhabitants of the Uoon know nothing at all 
about gold. Fearing to return with a report of unsuccess, he 
secured from these men directions for steering so that he should 
reach Jamaica; and after landing there, he instructed his bearers 
how to return into their own nation while he took ship for England 
where he arrived after a satisfactory voyage. 

No summary can, however, . indicate how biting is the satire 
which pervades every page of this entertaining story; and a com- 
plete analysis of it would extend beyond the bounds here allowable. 
In general method the satire is similar to that of Swift's Lilli - 
put ; here as there political figures of contemporary England 
masquerade under fictitious titles. Brunt's Cormorants are the 
Dutch; his llagpies, the French; his Owls, the Spaniards; his 
Cuckoos, the Italians. The war waged by the Owls against the 
Magpies is that of the Spanish Succession. Brusquallo, the King's 


Minister, If probably Horace '"alpole; anrl Tripeallyonlnte is 
Louis of France. The window tax is satirised as one on sunllpht; 
and that on beer as an excise upon spring water. 7he South Sea 
Bubble Is ridiculed in the scheme to brinpr gold from tho *oon. 
And corrupt electorates, ministers, clergy, physicians, lawyers, 
poets, ladles-in-waiting, courtiers and their wives, law, poverty, 
pride, army preferments and punishments, official integrity, 
English character, football, horseracing, and Italian opera all 
have scorn heaped upon them. But Brunt also employs along with 
this method a reverse of that used by Swift in his description 
of Brobdingnag. The latter made his Giants benevolant, his 
English vile; the former painter" his -"Englishmen as perfect, his 
Cacklogallinlans as the corruptest of the corrupt. 

In these respects of method the author of Cacklogallinia 
no doubt borrowed from that of Gulliver ; but he must also have 
had some native ability, for many of his conceptions are most 
ingenious, as for instance that of a man's increasing in height 
as he rises in rank. I do not know that I should agree with the 
aforementioned "D. M." when he says: "The stile is more pure than 
that of Defoe"; but I should go beyond him in his estimate "that 
the story is as interesting as Peter Wilkins" . Nor can I agree 
after a careful reading of both authors that Brunt is "without 
any of the grossness of Swift"; for there are many passages which 
even the Dean of St. Patrick's was, I feel, likely to have Strieker 
out had the Voyage to Cacklogallinla been his work. In general, 
however, Brunt has succeeded with his illustrious predecessor in 
producing a satire as pointed as vigorous, and a story as en- 
tertaining as ingenious. 


Considered historically as a voyage i naginaire the 
Voyage to Cacklogallinia had perhaps no very great influence. 
Swift was more popular in his own time, and is better known to- 
day. Brunt, moreover, did nothing but continue the Gulliver tra- 
dition, without adding to the practice of fiction whether of this 
type or of any other. His only innovation, in fact, was the 
substitution of birds for men -- a sugpreption which he may have 
grot from Swift's Houyhnhnms, but which, I suspect, he took from 
Cyrano de Bergerac, and which, furthermore, does not appear to 
have been borrowed by later writers. The influence of Cyrano 
and Godwin may also be seen in the record of the trip to the Iloon. 
Yet it must be admitted that were Cacklogallinia more readily 
accessible to the public, the story might be read with as much 
avidity and delight as are Gulliver 's Travels . 


The year 1737 saw appear a voyage imaginaire as readable 

as Gulliver yet very different in character -- The Adventures of 

Gaudentio di Lucca , which Dunlop believes to have been the work 

of Bishop Berkeley on the ground that Plato was the bishop's 

favorite author, and that the Republic and the Adventures both 


describe ideal patriarchal governments. The philosopher-bishop 
may have composed the volume; but certainly Dunlop's argument is 
most inconclusive, and neither Leslie Stephen, A. C • eraser, nor 
Dr. Benjamin Rand include the book in their lists of Berkeley's 
writings. 22 And nothing in either the Proposal for the Founding 

22. minlop, J. , History of Prose Fictio n, third edition, pg. 420. 

23. Stephen, Leslie, arTTcle on Berkeley in the Dictionary of 

National Biography . Fraser, A. c, Life in vol . IV of .Vorks, 
1071. Rand, Benjamin, Berkeley and Perceval , 1914. 

HI 4 

of a College in the Bermuda j g 1 an d r 17£b) nor in hip flsaay to - 
wards Preventing the Ru i n of Great Britaj n (17:21) snrrostr any- 
thing contained in the voyage . Furthermore, aa will be seen 
from the summary, there is no essential resemblance between the 
Republic and the Adventures of Gaudenti o di Lucca , The assumed 
author is Simon Berington of whom nothing appears to be known 
unless he is the author of a copy of verses entitled To His Ex - 
cellent Majesty James III , King of England , Scotland , Franc e , and 
Ireland , published at Douai (?) in 1700, and preserved in the 
British Museum. Why Berington should be suspected of the author- 
ship I am not able to learn; his name does not appear on the title 
page, the work being supposedly translated "from the Italian by 
S. T. , Gent", The Berin^tons were good catholics and royalists, 
if the titles of their works may be admitted as evidence, and 
the Adventures are markedly catholic in tone. But whoever the 
author may have been, he had an ingenious imagination and a 
thorough knowledge of Vairasse's L'Histoire des Severambes . 

The story is a record of the testimony given by Gaudentio 
di Lucca, a physician, before the Inquisition at Bologna. He 
tells that in his youth he was a student at Paris, but that he 
and his brother, being left orphans and bankrupt at the same time, 
had embarked upon a commercial venture to the orient. Falling in 
with Turkish pirates whom they had resisted, the crew was ex- 
terminated with the exception of Gaudentio, whose life was spared 
only at the intercession of the lady that the pirate chieftain 
was seeking to marry. His captors carried him to Alexandria 
where he was sold to a foreign merchant who treated him very 
kindly; but unfortunately the Grand Bassa's daughter cast her 


eyes upon him, and the scandal having become known, although 
Gaudentio was innocent of any wrong, his party was forced to 
flee Egypt. Angered over the rejection of her love, the younr? 
lady pursued them; but just as she overtook the cavalcade, her 
horse shied, precipitating her into the river whence Gaudentio 
had the good luck to rescue her, saving at once his head and her 
honor; for the accident made the young lady at once so sensible 
of her indiscretion and of his nobility that she became quite 
cured of her profligate affection, and gave her savior a ring as 
a token of forgiveness. 

Gaudentio and his companions then continued for many dayp 
across the desert, finally reaching the land of Mezarania which 
in the time of the Hyksos kings was settled by the ancient 
Egyptian refugees from their persecution. The government of this 
fair land is patriarchal in form, the nation being divided in 
five Nomes, or tribes, the members of each of which wear garments 
of a different color, those of the men being spangled with golden 
suns, those of the women with silver moons in token of their in- 
constant natures and lesser importance. The chief of the first 
Nome is the head of the nation; and complicated laws of succession 
are established to obviate any civil strife in case there is no 
direct heir. Over each tribe is a Pophar (father), and the male 
parent is the head of the individual family. The law is based 
on pure equity, but stringent measures are taken against perjury, 
murder, fornication, and adultery. Although no mention is made 
of communism, there is abundance and plenty for all in the land 
since property rights are sacred and each couple is presented at 
marriage with a certain portion of land. Some art or trade le 


pursued by every citizen, the order of esteem being (1) liberal 
arts, (2) agriculture, (3) useful arts, (4) fine arts. The in- 
ventor of a new art is honored by having his statue erected in 
a public place, Craudentio attaining this distinction by intro- 
ducing the art of portrait painting among then. A puritanical 
moral education is instilled into the youth by a combined staff 
of parents, nurses, and governors. Y'ar is forbidden because 
the shedding of human blood is considered an unpardonable sin, 
but sports of all sorts are encouraged. The religion of Mezarania 
is sun-worship, that star being considered the material cause of 
all things; but over and beyond him is El, the great first cause. 
Parents are considered as the immediate cause of their children's 
being. Passion and desire are caused in men by the souls of 
animals entering into their bodies and driving out the human 
spirit; but a steady contemplation of the divine light is suffi- 
cient to repulse these assaults. After death the human soul ap- 
proaches nearer and nearer to the El. 

Men and women mingle freely under the supervision of 
their elders; and freedom of choice is allowed in marriage, but 
obstacles are containually raised in order to prove the con- 
stancy of lovers, and stories of heroic devotion are assigned to 
the betrothed for reading. The progress of the engagement is 
indicated by the presentation and acceptance of flowers, first 
in bud, then half-blown, and finally in full bloom; and the 
contract is consummated in a public ceremony at which the Pophar 
slips a steel hoop over the couple as they embrace tightly in 
token of the indissolubility of the bond that they are contract- 


Gaudentio, having been discovered, by means of a medal 
given him by his mother, to be of the blood of this nation, was 
adopted among them, rising in time to a dist inguished rank and 
even marrying the regent's daughter. After he had been among 
these people many years a hunting party discovered in a cave near 
the borders an English castaway whom, in companion, they brought 
home with them; but he soon requited their kindncsr by attempt- 
ing to subvert the moral and political order* Sentence of ban- 
ishment was at once passed against him; and he was returned into 
Egypt as member of the party to which Gaudentio, whose wife and 
children had now died, and the Pophar, who desired to visit 
Europe, were attached. In Alexandria the Englishman sought to 
gain their arrest; but the ring eriven by the Grand Bassa's 
daughter to Gaudentio secured their release, and the Englishman, 
having been condemned to the galleys, committed suicide. After 
further adventures, such as rescuing his former benefactress 
from her pirate husband, being offered the highest t>ost in the 
realm by the Grand Bassa's daughter who was now Sultana Regent 
of Turkey, and converting the Grand Pophar to Catholicism, 
Gaudentio reached Venice where he persuaded the courtesan Favilla 
to enter a nunnery, but so captivated the imagination of a young 
lady that she followed him to Bologna, where he was dwelling 
when the Inquisition seized him as a man of questionable practices 

Dunlop, as the summary shows, had evidently forgotten 
when he made his comparison between the Republic and Gaudentio di 
Lucca that new elements had been added to Utopian tradition be- 
tween the fourth century B. C. and A. D# 1727. Plato and 
Berington, if Berington it was, had each a separate heritage. 


The Ureek know only political praotico ana philosophic specula- 
tion as he had seen it on the shores of the Mediterranean; the 
Englishman had behind him the practice of More, Campanella, Bacon, 
and Vairasse. Tt is in the work of the last of these, however, 
that the germ of Oauden tio di Lucca is to be found. In each case 
the nation was founded by refugees from persecution; in each the 
people are sun-worshippers but recognize an incomprehensible, 
omniscient spirit beyond the visible; in each moral instruction 
is the aim of education; in each equity is the basis of adjudica- 
tion; in each war is abhorred but sports encouraged; in each 
classes are distinguished by the color of their dress, although 
Vairasse divides his people according to age and Berinprton ac- 
cording to tribes; in each betrothal, which follows carefully 
chaperoned meetings, is a public ceremony; in each agriculture 
ranks high as an activity; in each scholars are sent abroad to 
study, but strangers are not willingly admitted to the land, 
although Berington might have borrowed this detail from Bacon; 
and in each the author, after rising to a high rank among the 
new people and marrying a native woman, becomes homesick after 
her death and returns to his native country. Such similarity 
in detail cannot, surely, be the result of chance; and accident 
is rendered still more improbable by the widespread popularity 
of the Severambes both in Prance and in England. 

The conviction of Berington 's indebtedness to Vairasse 
grows still more certain when one examines his Preface . It takes 
the form of a letter written by Alisio de St. Ivoria, Secretary 
of the Inquisition at Bologna, to M. Rhedi, librarian of St. 
Mark's at Venice, in which the former directs the recipient to 


confirm certain details of the testimony rehearso-l therein. Thin 
document also explains how Gaudentio war taken by the Inquisition 
and under what circumstances, also certain details of the trial, 
and contains in addition a summary of the Memoirs . As a partial 
return for a gift of some value made by the librarian to the 
secretary a copy of the confession is also enclosed. All this 
is stated in great detail. We learn what were the hero's habits 
of life, what estimate the citizens of the town placed upon his 
private and professional character, and what Gaudentio looked 
like. Prefixed to the whole is the usual eighteenth century 
address of the Publisher to the Header . In this we are told that 
the publisher, having during his sojourn in Venice "contracted 
a particular friendship with M. Rhedi", who was "not so bigoted 
to his religion or profession, as to shun the company of the 
heretical Tramontani", and who was furthermore softened by the 
"present of a gold repeating watch, with some other of our Eng- 
lish curiosities", was allowed to copy the manuscript. M. P.hedi 
also gives convenient testimony, through the publisher of course, 
as to the truth of the narrative; and an "N. B." calls the read- 
er's attention to his learned footnotes "particularly, when he 
comes to the origin and antiquity of the people the author speaks 
of" a trick learned probably from Vairasse and Desfontaine. 
Here it is also explained that careless customs officials at 
Marseilles are responsible for the loss of several sheets from 
the manuscript, so causing an hiatus in the middle of the account. 
This machinery is as elaborate as Vairasse 's and somewhat more 
convincing, but the author of Gaudentio di Lucca had the probable 
advantage over his French predecessor of having read Defoe's 


Apparit io n of Mre . Veal (1706). In any case the prefatory 

material has now become a first chapter in a truer sense than 

were the letters of More and Peter Giles which were prefixed to 


the Utopia , and which Dr. A. J. Tieje so designates. ~ 

As an additional means of graining verisimilitude Berinrr- 
ton inserted the questions and the comments of the Inquisitors; 
so that one has from time to time further testimony as to the 
convincing character of the narration. This aim is also served 
by the Inquisition's apparent acceptance of the existence of 
Mezarania and their sending out missionaries to convert its in- 
habitants. These various means form the most full and complex 
attempt to force belief which has appeared in the voyage imagin - 
aire up to this time, although it must also be admitted that 
only in the last two practices has the author of Gaudentio di 
Lucca shown any essential originality. 

More important than these devices, however, are the ap- 
pearance in the Introduction of two details until now little de- 
veloped and seldom even mentioned. The appearance and character 


of Gaudentio are carefully described; a full length portrait 

of the man appears, whereas heretofore character has been only 

implied from the hero's actions, and personal appearance has been 

introduced but once. Berington is, too, the first author of 


the imaginary voyage to speak of the "law of nature", a phrase 
used by practically all later writers of Utopias and one that 

24. Tieje, A. J., The Expressed Critical Theory of European 

Prose Fiction bFfore 1740 , ch. III. 

25. Novelist 's Magazine, 1787, vol. XXI, Int roduction to Gauden - 

tio d.i Lucca , pg. vii. 

26. Godwin, Man in the Mo one , cir. 1699. 

27. Novelist ' s Ma gazine , vol. XXI, Introduction to Gaudentio di 

Lucca, pg. viii." 


dominated thought in certain branches of philosophy for many- 
years . 

This work Dunlop ranks with Gulliver ' s Travels and Kobin - 

son Crusoe , claiming that no other nation "has produced three 

performances of equal merit" in the field of the voyage imagin - 

aire. The estimate is, perhaps, over-enthusiastic; but at 

the same time one cannot but admit that Gaudentio di Lucc a is 
the most readable of the Utopias. The expositorv description 
which burdened this type of fiction has throughout become leavened 
with a narrative strain; and the personal interest introduced by 
Vairasse and Foigny has come now to have an equal importance 
with the instructional matter. The voyage imaginaire which aims 
to picture an ideal state is now developing as did the satirical 
voyage — it is slowly becoming more and more of a story. 


During these years between 1723 and 1737 other voyages 

imaginaires were being published, but I have not been able to 

obtain many of them. Some, like Legrand's Les Aventures du 


Voyageur Arien (1724), Murtagh McDermot's Trip to the .loon 
(1728), or the anonymous Travels of an Adventurous Knight in 
the Kingdom of v/onder appear to comprise the marvellous, and may 
in the case of the second be satirical. Bennet's Memoirs of the 
Court of Lilliput (1727) is a thing obviously done in the manner 
Swift, as is Arbuthnot's Account of the State of Learning in 

28. Dunlop, J., History of Prose Fiction , third edition, pg. 418. 

29. This is a pseudonym; the author's real name is unknown. 


Llllitmt (1728). The first I hare not seen; the second ie merely 
the narrative of an incident which might have occurred to Oulli- 
ver during his stay in that island, hut it otherwise contains 

no features of the voyage imaginaire » Bougeant's Prin ce Fanf er - 

* 30 

edin (1735), if Dunlop is to he relied upon, continues the 

tradition of d'Aubignac, I lontpensier, and Sorel . An entirely 

different sort of a work is the Lamekis (1735) of that most pro- 


ductive author Charles Fieux Chevalier de Ilouhy. The voyage 
imaginaire element in it is very slight and servos merely as a 
thread upon which to string narratives of the cult of Serapis in 
■Egypt t of adventures in caverns, and of the Isle of sylphides. 

In Denmark Baron Ludvig Holberg produced in 1741 his 
famous Iter Subterraneum — a racy story of the adventures be- 
falling a young doctor, Nicholas Klimius, after his return from 
the university to his home in Bergen. Deciding to investigate 
a mysterious cavern near the town, he fell into it, and after 
some time found himself floating as a satellite to an underground 
sun; but being attacked by a griffin which he killed with his 
spear, he was dragged from his exalted estate to the surface of 
an underground earth inhabited by a tree -people who honor women 
on an equality with men, and esteem slowness of comprehension as 
the sign of the highest intellectual power. These people at 
first took him for a monkey, but were finally convinced that he 
was not of that species. His quick wit, however, brought him 
into disfavor with this nation, but his long legs earned him a 
court position as the king's chief messenger. In this capacity 

30. History of Prose Fiction , third edition, pg. 397. 

31. I have seen only the first volume of this work as it is 

printed in Gamier' s Voyages Imaginaires , vol. XX.. 

ho was sent to visit all the nations of this world boiow ground, 
and to bring back a report upon their condition. Each of these 
new countries he found to be inhabited by a people representa- 
tive of some human activity, as philosophy, medicine, law, and 
so forth. All are described with keen satire, but with such an 
abundance of questionable detail that even the drench translator 
was forced to soften the tone of the narrative. Klimius on his 
return sougnt to gain promotion by suggesting governmental re- 
forms; but these failing of approval, he was, as the law provided 
condemned to be sent out of the world alonpr with the other crimin 
als. Attached to the neck of a migratory bird he bepan his jour- 
ney, and soon landed in the world of monkeys, where his wits 
being considered too tardy, he was employed by a minister as a 
chairman. Taking advantage, however, of the insane desire for 
novelty which these people evinced, he soon rose by his inventive 
genius to a high position. But his protector's wife now became 
enamored of him; and angered by the rejection of her importunate 
advances, she obtained his banishment. As a galley slave, he 
now visited lands peopled by all sorts of beast-folk, until a 
storm cast him upon a shore inhabited by men sunk in the grossest 
ignorance. These people believing him to be a god, Klimius 
gained a great ascendance over them; and in time having risen to 
the regency, he sought to found a fifth monarchy. His cruel 
tyranny, however, raised up a rebellion against him; and crawling 
into a cave, after the surrender of his army, he suddenly found 
himself again in Bergen where he was taken for the pandering 
Jew. But a friend came to his rescue and secured for him, after 
a time, a rectorship which he held for many years. Appended to 


the work is a testimonial to the character of Nicholas Klimiue. 

This work, written originally in Latin, and translated 
into Danish, French, and English (1747), had a prreat vogue. The 
general concensus of critical opinion has been to attribute the 
author's inspiration to Swift; "but there are good reasons for 
objecting to this view since upon examination the similarity 
of the works is seen to lie in their satirical purpose. Holberg, 
furthermore, had travelled widely in Germany, Holland, Prance, 
and England, and so was likely to have come into contact with 
the whole literary tradition of the voyage imaginaire , a form 
which must have appealed to his semi -vagabond nature, and which 
was rather adaptable to his genius. If specific indebtedness 
must be sought, the work is clearly done in the tradition of 
Cyrano de Bergerac from whom Holberg probably borrowed his ex- 
perience as an astral body, his tree-people, the conception of 
himself as a monkey, and the contempt shown by animals for men. 
Desfontaine and the Montpensier-d 'Aubignac-Bougeant school prob- 
ably furnished the idea of a people ruled by a single passion. 
The cave incident at the end also reminds one of a similar epi- 
sode in Lamekis, and the birds which carry off the criminals in 
the Iter Subterraneum are the posterity of Godwin's geese. The 
underground world itself was probably suggested by Ouevedo's 
Visions . Holberg has, nevertheless, kneaded these diverse ele- 
ments into an interesting story highly seasoned with the interest 
which arises from personal adventure; but this type of voyage 
which deals with the interior of the earth and uses the extremely 
improbable as a means of satire does not seem to have been highly 
popular, and in the second half of the eighteenth century it was 


not imitated. 


A work entirely unlike any of these is the Automathes 
of John Kirkby, published in 1745 and now preserved, it seems, 
only in Leber's Popular Romances . The author's chief bid to fame 
is that he was the tutor of lidward Gibbon, the historian, and 
it is to the pupil that we owo the only notice of the teacher. 
According to Gibbon's account Kirkby 's remarks on his own indi- 
gence in the opening pages of the Automathes are true, and the 
remainder of the brief account would indicate that misfortune 
continued to pursue him throughout life. Constant brooding upon 
these vicissitudes of earthly existence probably turned Kirkby' s 
imagination to the story he told, there to find relief from 
present annoyance and worry in the dream of a better state. But 
this is speculation. 

The book begins with an account of the finding of the 
manuscript. As the author sat one day ''upon the declivity of the 
beach" meditating on the "wretched condition of (his) family", 

he was diverted from his pensive mood "by the sight, of 

a small cylindrical trunk, about a foot lon^, rolling along with 

the tide, , with a key tied to the handle". Rescuing this 

package, he found it to contain a manuscript partly obliterated 
by the action of the salt water, but still legible in a large 
part, from which he learned that the writer of the account was 
an English priest of the Benedictine order whose ship had in the 
year 1614 foundered in latitude 39° 15" north, longitude 176° 
west from London, off an unknown coast which the crew managed 


to reach with the aid of rafts. 

There they found a colony of Chinese, srieakinr purest 
Attic Greek and professing a primitive type of Christianity. The 
ancestors of this folk, they learned in a conversation with some 
of the priests, had been converted to the faith in their home 
province of "Xantung which lies in the south-west part of Corea": 
hut by a royal mandate they had been banished as dangerous to the 
safety of the state. Settling in this desert island, these fugi- 
tives had built up a prosperous nation in which the spiritual 
and temporal powers were entirely divorced, the clergy retaining 
control of education but being removed from all worldly tempa- 
tion by an insistence upon the utmost simplicity in the clerical 
life. Criminals are transported to a desert island not far dis- 
tant where they must dwell forever; but any children they may 
have are promptly returned to the colony in order that they may 
be free from a corrupting environment and have the advantage of 
a moral education. This portion of the book is further sriven over 
to caustic remarks on Romanism and its practices, which are in- 
terrupted by the arrival of Automathes who invited them to go 
next day on a visit to his father's country seat. 

On this journey Automathes related to the Europeans the 
story of his life. While he was yet a babe in arms, his father, 
Eugenius, was banished as a conspirator against the throne, his 
enemies having gained the king's ear and whispered grave calumnies 
against the favorite minister; but on the voyage to the isle of 
convicts, the vessel was wrecked off an unknown coast, and Eugen- 
ius, his wife, and infant son were cast upon a desert island. 
There the father erected a shelter for them, and they lived 


happily until the mother rUed, when to supply the wants of his 
son Eugenius caught a roo which thereafter acted as the nurse 
of Automathes. Shortly afterward Eugenius discovered not far 
distant another island, which, hoping it would be inhabited, he 
visited in a ship's boat saved from the wreck; a storm, however, 
carried off the boat while he was on the new isle, and so father 
and son were separated, 

The boy now learned various things by observation 
what fruits are good to eat, that the moon derives its light 
from the sun, that the revolutions of the heavenly bodies are 
the causes oi" eclipses, what death is, that bathing is good for 
the body, that he was not original in this place since, unlike 
the other animals, he was the only one of his kind in the island, 
that echoes were not human voices, and many things of a similar 
nature. Prom a painted fan found in the hut he gained his ideas 
of men, sex, gardens, and cities; and from various metal objects 
also discovered there he conceived the principles of malleability 
and ductility. He learned further what fire was by striking 
two pieces of steel together. Animals, he found, too, were 
rational because when during his swimming his legs became en- 
tangled in the branches of a submerged tree, the beavers, at- 
tracted by his cries, came and gnawed him loose. The favor was 
returned now long after; for he showed them how to put out a 
fire which had seized upon their quarters, the animals immediately 
imitating him in splashing water over the blazing parts. With 
the aid of some diagrams in mathematical books, also found in 
the hut, Automathes discovered many geometrical principles and 
even succeeded in erecting a sundial. His knowledge of the 

supernatural was imparted in dreams presided over by the spirit 
of his dead mother. 

About this time a ship from the country, driven out of 
its course "by adverse winde, discovered his father, and nnon ur- 
gent solicitation the captain agreed to visit the island upon 
which the son had been left. Returning with them to civilization 
Automathes quickly assimilated all learning, but his savap-e 
virtues had never been weakened and his abhorrence of all cruelty 
and of animal food had never been overcome. 

The day following that on which they heard this narration 
the party visited a wonderful natural amphitheater among the 
mountains . On their return journey as they were passing through 
a thick wood, the oharp cries of a woman in distress alarmed 
them. Hastening forward they discovered in a cottage a woman 
bound tight upon a couch. She was Dorothea, betrothed of ?/us- 
tathes, a member of the party. On being questioned hov/ she came 
there, she could say only that on the previous evening, her 
mother being away from home, she had, on her nurse's advice, 
lain down for a brief rest in the summer house of the garden, 
and that she awakened in her present situation. Arriving at 
Dorothea's home, the party found all in confusion because of the 
loss of the young lady, and because the nurse who was asleep 
in the summer house, could not be wakened. The excitement was 
further increased when news came that Phlefron, a rival suitor 
for Dorothea's hand, had been found dead in the river. At this 
same time the nurse showed signs of awaking, but having sighed 
heavily once or twice, she died without speaking or even opening 
her eyes. This succession of catastrophic events scared one 


of the male servants into a confession by which it was learned 
that Phlegon had bribed him and the nurse to drug ijorothea and 
carry hor to the cottage in the wood, and that on returning the 
nurse, to avoid suspicion, had also taken a dose of the sleeping 
potion. Having finished his story, the poor man, conscious of 
his overwhelming guilt, begged that he be punished to the utmost 
rigor of the law; but the judges, feeling that he had already 
suffered enough, remitted all judgment against him. 

"Thus far, and no farther", says Kirkby, "could I make 
any sense of what was contained in this manuscript; here there- 
force I am forced to conclude, without being able to rive any 
other account of it, than what you have already heard concerning 
the strange means by which it fell into my hands. If the publi- 
cation of so much as I could pick out, may be of any service to 
the cause of religion and virtue, as I am not without hopes in 
some measure it may, I am satisfied". 

The first division of this hybrid work is written after 
the manner of the Utopias. Kirkby is there describing an ideal 
state as a means of voicing his own sentiments upon religion. 
The second part, or the History of Automathes , is a weak imita- 
tion of the Hai Ebn Xokdhan which the author must have known 
either in Pocock's Latin version (1676) or Ockley's English trans- 
lation (1708) ; 32 but Kirkby has, under the influence of Defoe, 

32. When I wrote in Chapter II that the Hai Kbn Yokdhan had no 
lineal descendants, the copy of 7feber T s Popular Romances 
had not come to hand, and Kirkby' s work was unknown to 
me. At the time I received the book, Chapter II had 
already been typewritten and so the change could not be 
made . 


added a ttobinsonade element. The rational beavers of Automathes 
are, also, suspiciously similar to the monkeys in Dorrintrton 's 
English (1727), who request quarles to referee their dis- 
putes; and Dorrington also makes use of dreams as a means to 
inform his hero of coming events. The love story at the end of 
the work is in the style of the romances. This mixture of diverse 
elements is unfortunate. In any case it was likely to destroy 
unity of purpose and of tone; but in the hands of an inexperienced 
and unskillful artist like Kirkby, dire confusion resulted, and 
the book, being neither a utopia, philosophic fiction, or romance, 
impresses one as having the same purposelessness and lack of 
direction which seems to have characterized its author's life. 


Different in nature and different in aim from the Auto - 

mathes is the Peter W ilk ins (1750) of Robert raltock, an author 


of whom as little is known as of Kirkby, but whose book is 
vastly more important historically since it was the first voyage 
imaginaire written simply to amuse. Paltock appears to have 
been a Gornishman, to have been a bencher at Clement's Inn, and 
to have written Peter V/ilkins. The first two are no rare dis- 
tinction. The latter, hov/ever, is. No common man could have 
done it. The task required a gentle as well as a boldly fan- 
tastic imagination, a poetic as well as a practical mind. Per- 
haps the work is, as a critic in the Monthly Review says, "the 
illegitimate offspring of no very natural conjunction, like 

33. See A. H. Bullen, Preface to his edition of Peter V/ilkins , 


Gulliver' f Travels and Robinson Crusoe"; but Paltock may take 
oonfort in tho remembrance that Swift would have spoiled the 
book by dragging in satire, and that winded creatures v/ere 
beyond Defoe's power. Peter Wllkins is a creation of a dreamer's 
mind, of a mind not bothered by worldly affairs, of a man whose 
days pass quietly and evenly and are never too full for lazy 
meditation. Just such a man was this feeless, briefless barrister 
of Clement's Inn whom Leigh Hunt pictures "with 'Robinson Crusoe' 
on one side of him and 'Caudentio di Lucca' on the other, hearing 
the pen go over his paper in one of the quiet rooms in Clement's 
Inn that look out of its old-fashioned buildings into the little 
garden with the dial in it held by the negro". 

Peter ffilkine, the hero of the story, was born near 
Bristol where he enjoyed a reasonably happy childhood; but his 
father having been slain in the Stuart rebellions and his mother 
having married a neighboring gentleman, Peter was put to school 
where he profited somewhat by his studies but advanced wonder- 
fully in the art of seduction, secretly acquiring two children 
and a wife before he was twenty. Misfortune, however, soon 
overtook him; for his mother dying left all her property to her 
second husband, and Peter, now left penniless and loaded with 
family responsibilities which it was necessary to keep secret, 
ran away to sea, shipping as captain's steward in a vessel 
bound for the Indies. Shortly after they had left port, a French 
privateer overhauled them; and since food was runninp* short, 
Wilkins and twenty other prisoners were set adrift in an open 
boat. After suffering terrible hardships the survivors were 

34. See A. H. Bullen, .-'reface to his edition of Peter wilkins , 

picked up by a Portuguese ship and carried to Africa, whore on 
a slaving expedition inland v/ilkins was captured and set to 
work repairing a fortress. In company with a negro (llanlepze 
he soon made his escape; and the two after various adventures 
with lions, crocodiles, and enemies, reached Olanlepze's home. 
There Peter remained for two years; but at the end of that time 
he escaped to sea with some JSnglishmen in a stolen ship. Not 
knowing whither to sail, the party drifted aimlessly for some 
time until putting into a small island for water and wood, they 
were overtaken by a terrific storm which carried the vessel, 
containing only Peter and a companion named Adams, away toward 
the south, hven after the wind had fallen and the sea subsided 
the ship continued to drive rapidly in the same direction, drawn, 
r/ilkins afterwards found, by the magnetic attraction of the load- 
stone cliffs at the Pole upon some iron bars in the hold of the 
boat. As they approached the rugged cliffs, Adams jumped for 
the shore, but missing his footing fell into the sea, never to 
be seen again. 

Peter now attempted to make his solitary life more livable 
by raiding the ship's stores, catching fish, and in general lead- 
ing a sort of Robinson Crusoe life. On one of his many exploring 
trips along the base of the cliff, his boat was suddenly sucked 
into a swift current which carried him into an underground passage 
from which after many hours of unutterable mental agony he emerged 
into a peaceful "lake" surrounded by fertile shores, the whole, 
however, cut off from all communication with the outside world 
by a high and insurmountable wall of rock. In this terrestrial 
paradise Tilkins established himself in a grotto, built a room 

at its mouth, and rade himself as comfortable as possible. For 
a considerable space the etory now reminds one of Crusoe's 
efforts to suuply the lack of food and tools. Peter, for in- 
stance, contrived a cart and a fish net; he found a twining 
plant which furnished him a substitute for rope; he discovered 
an abundance of fish in the "lake", as well as a marine beast 
which supplied him with flesh, pelt, and oil; and he caught wild 
fowl which he domesticated. 

When the long, dark winter came on, he longed for com- 
panionship, the absence of which he had not felt up to this time 
owing to the pressure of supplying his immediate physical needs. 
He was, too, disturbed by strange noises which at times seemed 
to be in the air directly over his head, and at others to come 
from the "lake". At last he decided that they were made by the 
marine beasts which he caught from time to time; but looking 
out from his hut one night, he was amazed to find that the cries 
came from little "canoes" whioh fairly dotted the surface of the 
water. To his further amazement, these "boats" suddenly rose, 
into the air and trooped off over the summit of the rocky wall. 
His fancied security thus invaded, Peter lived in mortal terror, 
not being able to discover who or what these strange beings were 
nor what he might expect from them. One night his fear was in- 
creased by the sound as of a human body falling outside his home 
and on investigation he found that a female of these strange 
beings was lying unconscious outside the door of his cave. He 
carried her in; and her injuries proving slight, she soon re- 
covered. During the first months of their dwelling together he 
learned, both having acquired some knowledge of the other's 


language, that she belonged to a race of winded mortals who 
dwelt beyond the wall, the youth of which came to sport in this 
valley in the dark nights of winter since these people cannot 
endure tho light of day. Being warned in a dream that his 
English wife was dead, Peter now took Youwarkee, for such was 
the name of this winged woman, in marriage. She bore him in due 
time eight children, some of whom had the graundee a? tho wings 
were called. By flying over the mountain range to the wreck, 
she also brought him many useful articles, either carrying them 
on her back, or casting them into the current which eventually 
bore them into the "lake" whence Peter fished them out. ?hat 
she might better face the long, and to him pleasant, daylight 
of summer, he made her a pair of spectacles, and to give her a 
more human appearance he showed her how to make clothes for her- 
self and the children according to the European fashion. 

In time, however, homesickness overcame her; so with her 
husband's consent she departed for a visit to her father, taking 
along two of the older children who had the graundee . Not long 
after she returned with a great throng of irlums (males) and 
Gawries (females), her father, who was a dignitary at home, bring- 
ing with him an large retinue. Warned by messengers of the ap- 
proach of this multitude, 7/ilkins and the remaining six children 
prepared a great entertainment for them. Fishing and hunting 
parties amazed the guests for in their homeland they ate nothing 
but fruits, which, however, had the taste of various sorts of 
flesh. Cooking, too, and clothes were new to them, Peter and 
his wife causing much astonishment by changing their habiliments, 
for the only garments these people knew were their graundee s , 


which, when not extended, enveloped them like a close-fitting 
suit. The firoarns also caused f?roat consternation amonp* them. 
This magnificent feHe, described in detail and not without 
touches of humor, ended, the visitors departed; and the 7/ilkins 
family settled down once more to a quiet domestic felicity. 

Soon, however, a royal embassy appeared, demanding that 
Peter pro at once to the land of the winged folk. In spite of 
his protest that he could not fly, they insisted upon his making 
the journey since an ancient prophecy had declared that in time 
of a great danger the nation was to be saved by a man with hair 
about his face, capable of flying and swimming without the 
graundee, and "killing by unknown fire and smoke". After some 
experimenting, Wilkins rigged up a sort of chariot, consisting 
of a platform on to which a chair was securely fastened, the 
whole to be carried by servants who supported it by cords at- 
tached to the corners. In this machine he departed to the new 
land, his family accompanying him, either on the wing or in the 
chariot. Arrived in the new country, he at once began his re- 
forms. The religion of the great god Collwar was purified of 
its idolatrous practices; a secret conspiracy in the king's 
privy council was exposed; an open rebellion was put down; rich 
mining territories were added to the nation's possessions; and 
a diplomatic marriage between a neighboring king and princess 
was arranged. In short, ably seconded by certain of the king's 
ministers, Wilkins raised the people from a nation subsisting 
by slave labor upon the natural fruits of the forest to the 
prototype of free and monarchical ?Jngland. His old age was de- 
voted to the furthering of Christianity by translating the more 


of the Bible 

important passage s^into the native tongue of th n country. When, 
however, hie v/ife died and he became too old to take an active 
part in politics, nostalgia came upon him, and in a new chariot 
he set out for the coast of South America; but the long overseas 
flight so wearied his bearers that they allowed him to fall 
into the sea, from which not long after he was rescued, as the 
Introduction explains, by an English ship. 

The indebtedness of Paltock to his predecessors is evi- 
dent. Defoe inspired the earlier portions of the narrative and 
is responsible for the F.obinsonade elements in general. Dorrins:- 
ton's English Hermit may, also, have given paltock the suggestion 
for making 7/ilkins desire a mate and for the dream which warned 
him of his wife's death. From Godwin or Brunt he must, too, 
have borrowed the plan by which he was transported through the 
air. Bullen sees Swift's influence in the latter part of the 
story but .'/ilkins takes a much more active part in the af- 
fairs of the government than did Gulliver, or any other previous 
voyage imaginaire hero. Paltock' s Introduction is, also, a 
plain imitation of those which went before. It tells that Wil- 
kins was found upon a raft of poles in latitude 75° or 76° 
south, that the captain of the ship refused to carry him to 
Bristol except for a cash passage, and that the "author" in 
compassion supplied the deficiency of Peter's purse. In gradi- 
tude for his kindness Jilkins dictated to his benefactor the 
account of his adventures, which the latter wrote down as they 
are here published. On the arrival of the ship at Bristol, 
V/ilkins died, and again the kind and opulent author paid the 

35. Bullen, A. H., Preface , pp. XVI - XVII. 


"burial bill. As a recompense for these outlays he kept the 
manuscript which he intended not to print, and which he pave to 
the public only at the urgent insistence ol' his friends. This 
is merely a variation of the trick begun by More, popularized 
by Vairasse, and perpetuated by Defoe, Swift, and Desfontaine . 

This lack of originality, nevertheless, cannot take 
away the whole charm of Paltock's work. The fancy of it is 
ingenious; the imagination, quaint; and the human touches are 
most attractive. The story may not deserve all the extravagant 
praise which Coleridge, Lamb, and Hunt gave it; but neither 
does it merit all the abuse which the critic in the Monthly Re- 
view heaped upon it when he wrote: "Here is a very strange per- 
formance indeed. It seems to be the illegitimate offspring of 
no very natural conjunction, like 'Gulliver's Travels' and 
'Robinson Crusoe'; but much inferior to the manner of these two 
performances as to entertainment or utility. It has all that 
is impossible in the one or impossible in the other, without 
the wit and spirit of the first, or the just strokes of nature 
and useful lessons of morality in the second. However, if the 
indention of win~s for mankind to fly with is sufficient amends 
for the dullness and unmeaninr extravagance of the author, we 
are willing to allow that this book hath some merit, and that 

he deserves some encouragement at least as an able mechanic, if 


not as a good author". Yet even were this condemnation just, 
Paltock's Peter ~7ilkins would mark an epoch in the history of 
the voyage imaginaire since it is the first book of the type 

36. Bullen, A. H., Preface , pp. xii - xv . 

37. Same, pp. x - xi . 


written primarily to amuse. Before 1750 the narrative element, 
which had been a growinp one in the voyage imari naire t had, 
nevertheless, been subordinated to a more serious pu noose of 
instruction or reform. Now the story could be written for its 
own sake. This type of fiction, as were all others, was being 
emancipated from the slavery of "ulterior purpose". 38 The off- 
shoot did not at once bear fruit, but in the nineteenth century 
Jules Verne, Poe, and de HI He are the lineal descendants of 
this almost forgotten bencher of Clement's Inn, Robert paltock, 
author of Peter v/ilkins . 


While this genial and human novel was being written in 

England, the Chevalier de Bethune in France was producing an 

allegorical tale known as Le Monde de - Me retire » Although Carnier 


included it in his Voyages Imaginaires , that editor appears to 
recognize the questionableness of the classification. 40 No 
mention of a voyage is made; but the author does at one place 
make a comparison between this world and that in Mercury, 41 and 


at another tells that he once witnessed a war in that planet. 
The work is an allegorical satire on manners and customs, and 

as such shows at times an ingenious and clever imagination on 

38. Raleigh, W«, HiBtory of Fiction , pp. 136 and 219. 

39. Vol. XVI. 

40. Voyage s Imaginaires , vol. XVI, pg. xi, Editor's Preface ; 

"conune il s'agit d'un peuple nouveau dont on decrit les 
moeurs et le gouvernement ; comme 1 'on y donne le tableau de 
la terre qu'il habite, et des differentes productions 
qu'elle renferme dans son sein, cet ouvrage nous a paru se 
rapprocher plus pres de voyages imaginaires que de tout 
autre" . 

41. Sane, pg. 300. 

42. Same, pg. 252. 


the author's part, for example, he makes physical perfections 
inheritable at the owner's death, and traces in detail the ef- 
fects of the disease rengorgement which attacks ministers of 
state. The descriptions of the salamanders, the power of meta- 
morphosis enjoyed by the king of Mercury, and the description of 
the circulation of the "blood suggest the cabalistic romances. 

A work of a similar nature, but an undoubted voyage im- 
ag-inaire , is Rounder' s Voyage de Milord Ceton dans les Sept 
Planets , ^ which tells of the journey made into interstellar 
space during the troubled times of the Civil War and the Common- 
wealth by a royalist Unerlishman and his sister, Monime, under 
the guidance of Zachiel, the family genius. To the people of 
each planet is assigned some one human characteristic which by 
exaggeration is made the object of praise or satire. The in- 
habitants of the Moon are inconstant; those of Llercury, uneven in 
temperament; those of Venus, devoted to sensual pleasures; those 
of Liars, "formed for treason, stratagems, and spoils"; those of 
the Sun, devoted by education to the pursuit of honesty, wisdom, 
and truth; those of Jupiter, filled with pride and actuated by 
an extortionate cruelty and selfishness; and those of Saturn, 
dedicated to modesty and virtue. Intermingled with the disserta- 
tion on the inhabitants are descriptions of the various coun- 
tries, meant, no doubt, to apply, as the case might be, to France 
as she was or, under proper conditions, might be, and the whole 
is enlivened by many "histories" of lovers and by the various 
love adventures of Momine, the sister, who finally marries the 
Kinc? of Saturn. But not even such episodes, nor the rides on 
43. Date uncertain; probably before 1771. 


comets, nor the metamorphoses into flies which the brother and 
sister undergo can suffice to animate a thousand pages of clumsy 
satire. ; Sven the author appears to prrow weary of his task, for 
each succeeding book is shorter than the preceding. 

The evil days upon which the voyage imaginaire had fallen 
are still further illustrated by the Voyage d 'Alcimedon of Llar- 
tigny (1759) and Clairfon's Les Isle ; Fortunees (1771). The first 
is a description of a land where women love men only for their 
virtue and true worth; and the second is a bit of pastoral nar- 
rative in which the marriage of a shepherd and a shepherdess 
furnishes the chief incident, The inadaptability of the voyage 
to these purposes is readily seen by any who reads the books. 
Such works have their roots deep in the pastoral tradition of 
Sidney and his school; their aim is entirely divorced from those 
which have found in the voyage iraaginaire a useful means of ex- 
pression — the description of ideal states and satire. The 
bliss of Clairfons shepherds is, of course, idyllic, but it is 
so only because they are shepherds: their being removed from the 
world has, seemingly, nothinrr to do with it. Moreo\ r er, in pre- 
vious works of the genre the voyage was an absolute necessity in 
order to transport the hero to the new land and in order to fur- 
nish an opportunity for adventure. But neither of these authors 
had any need for the former motif; and Llartigny had not wit 
enough to seize, nor Clairfons genius enough to manage the op- 
portunities offered by the second possibility. Fortunately, 
later writers did not seek to imitate this variety of the voyage 
imaginaire . 


The last half of the eighteenth century was, however, 

rescued from the charge of utter sterility in this type of 

fiction by the appearance of Guillarne Grivel's L 'Isle Inconnue 

(1783 - 1787). It is a lonr narrative, containing some thirteen 
hundred pages, of mingled Hobinsonade and Utopian elements, em- 
bellished with long "histories" of the Chevalier Gastines and 
Eleanor d'Aliban, the hero and heroine, before their shipwreck 
off the coast of the island on which they afterward make their 
home. Following the landing, they set up housekeeping, but out 
of respect for Eleanor's father, whose body they, found drowned 
upon the shore, they deferred their nuptials for a year. Twenty- 
three children, of whom all but one survived to maturity, blessed 
this union. These are evenly divided between the two sexes, and 
intermarry after having received an exemplary education by both 
precept and example — being never coddled, never indulged, and 
never witnessing any display of passion on the part of the par- 
ents. At first this large family lived under one roof; but as 
more and more of them marrier, separate establishments were set 
up. With this growth of the state, a new system of education had 
to be adopted. A scheme was thereupon devised, based on the as- 
sumption that the aim of education is to create a man " sensible . 
robuBt e, social " t while that of instruction is to form a citizen 
" juste , experimente and instructed in the principles of social 
rights and duties and in the nature of the reciprocal bonds which 
unite the executive and the social group. The fi rst part of this 

44. I have not see n The Praise of Hell : or, a View of the Infernal 
Regions (1760), L'Histoire d'un Nouveau Peuple ( 1756 ) , A 
Voyage" through Hell (1770), or The Pope's Journey to the 
Other World ( 1791) , all anonymous as far as I can find. 


training is Riven in tho homo. The latter portion in the school. 
When six yeare of ape, the youths from a district comprising 
twenty houses are assembled under the kindest, wisest, and most 
patient master procurable, who instructs them in readinr, writing, 
arithmetic, geometry, and ethics. 7/hen pupils reach the age of 
ten, they are put into a second class which consists of the 
children drawn from a district embracing fifty houses. Here they 
study history. Children from thirteen to fifteen are drawn to- 
gether out of groups of two hundred homes, and instructed in 
grammar, philosophy, and rhetoric. The fourth and last class, 
composed of those between fifteen and twenty, pursue hie-her 
ethics, political science, and jurisprudence. Ha^inp passed 
through this "school", each male resident must pass an examina- 
tion based upon a catechism of political science; otherwise he 
is barred from exercising the perogatives of citizenship. 

The form of government established was that of a monarchy, 
which the Chevalier Gastines claimed was an outgrowth of the 
patriarchal, in its own turn, the natural form since the father 
by right has tho control over his offspring. It is, moreover, 
better fitted, according to his claims for an agricultural state 
such as this one. To fix the practice of the state, the Chevalier 
created a constitution divided into two parts — fundamental laws 
and positive laws -- which may be summarised as follows*. 

The Fundamental Laws. 

1. The right of nature is the right to existence and to happi- 
ness; these include the peaceful possession of all real and 
personal property acquired without injury to another. 

2. Since liberty is essentially a natural right, property of 
any sort may be enjoyed in any way whatsoever as lonf as such 


enjoyment does not in any way injure any other member of 
the social group. 

3. Justice is the fundamental law of society which insures 
the enjoyment of property. 

4. All laws must aim at the assurance of the possession of 

5. f Jhe succession to the throne is fixed in the eldest male 

6. Refusal to bear arms either against an enemy without or 
within the state, or to join in the apprehension and punish- 
ment of any who conspire against property or law, shall de- 
prive the one so refusing of all political and civil rights. 

7. Ililitary service shall be required of all males capable 
of bearing arms. 

8. Land shall be taxed according* to its income. 

9. The most fertile, fields shall pay a sixth of their in- 
come in taxes; the less fertile, a tenth. 

10. A permanent court of justice shall be established to hear 
cases and render decisions. 


11. Capital punishment shall not be inflicted for any crime. 

12. An instructed citizenship being necessary to the intelli- 
gent conduct of the state, public instruction shall be pro- 
vided for all. 

Positive Laws. 

1. Public properties, such as seas, rivers, roads, and canals 
shall be free to all, and no restriction shall be placed up- 
on their use . 

2. As long as land shall be available, each new household 
shall be given a tract equal in extent to that already given 
each family. 

3. A father may will his property to any one of his sons; but 
in default of specifications, it shall fall to the eldest. 

4. As long as government lands are not exhausted, no father 
may divide his property. 

5. Daughters may not inherit; they shall at marriage receive 
a dowry of household utensils as specified by the state. 

45. See page 

6. '.Then the public lands shall hare been exhausted, one 
fourth of a father's property may be willed to whichever of 
his children he sees fit, and the reminder shall be equally 
divided among the other children of both sexes. 

7. .Whenever a new household is set up, the twelve nearest 
neighbors shall assist in the erection of the house and the 
barns . 

8. »rhen a couple marries, the parents of the man shall fur- 
nish them with farm implements, animals, seeds, and food to 
last until the harvest; and the bride's parents shall, supply 
the household furniture, kitchen utensils, and linen. No 
other dowry shall bo given. 

9. 7/ills may be made by entering the items in one's diary, 
or by declaration before four witnesses drawn from one's 
nearest kin, 

10. That one of the sons who is declared the heir, shall be 
the head of the family; and all unmarried brothers and sisters 
shall obey him as such. 

11. An accused person shall be tried before a jury of twelve 
peers, who shall take the testimony and pass the sentence; 
but the sentence shall not be executed until it is approved 
by the sovereign. 

12. Quarrels may be adjusted by arbiters; if arbitration 
fails, the tribunal of justice shall pass upon the case. 

13. An accused shall not be considered guilty until so 
proved. He shall not be confined before his trial unless 
such action is necessary to insure his presence at court, but 
in any case he shall not be confined in an unhealthy spot. 

14. The odium of crimes shall not extend beyond the criminal's 
person. Fines shall be paid in labor. 

15. Injuries to property shall be expiated by labor for the 
injured party; murder by labor on public works. 

16. There shall be the following bureaus: (1) of public and 
private education, (2) of agriculture, navigation, and com- 
merce, (3) of public works, (4) of public collections and 
disbursements, (5) of military and public defence, (6) of 
justice, (7) of state, the last having the pov/er of review- 
ing and revising the orders of the other tribunals or 

17. Demonstrated ability shall be the sole criterion on which 
to choose men for these tribunals. No monetary reward shall 
be attached to any public office, over and above that which the 
state shall deem sufficient for the support of the officer's 


1G. The chief shall bo both temporal and spiritual head 
of the state; he shall conduct himself as a model and a 
father should. 

19. He shall proclaim and celebrate feasts and ceremonies 
proper for honoring agriculture as the first of all arts. 

20. All fetes shall be both religious and la;/ In character. 
To these in due time were added laws providing for the 

support of widows, and various supplements allowinr more strin- 
gent punishments for criminals, such as tho death penalty, brand- 
ing, hard labor, and exposure to public censure. Penalties for 

lesser infractions of the law were also graduated so as to obtain 


a more perfect justice. 

The colony prospered under these wise and just institu- 
tions until, in the third generation, a grandson of the second 
brother of the second generation sought to establish a republican 
form of government. He was actuated by motives of revenue a- 
gainst the heir-apparent, and seconded by a man named TTilson, an 
Englishman whom the islanders had once rescued from the savapes 
of a neighboring island. By a clever stratagem the conspirators 
were forced to declare themselves at a public assembly. They 
argued that monarchy was natural only as long as the first 
father lived, that at his death all the sons had an equal right 
to the succession, than an hereditary succession may give a 
nation a king unfit to govern, that it submits the state to the 
passions of a single man, and that republican governments are 
safer because of the system of checks and balances they afford. 
The answer given was that nature gives the normal animal only 

46. I have purposely omitted in this summary all of the Robin- 
son element in order to keep the treatment within reason- 
able bounds. 


one head, that republican government only increases the danrers 
present in an individual sovereign by increasing the number of 
administrators, that, as history shows, monarchies hare endured 
longer than republics, and that monarchy has worked in the island. 
The monarchy was, naturally, triumphant in the vote; and peace 
was restored once more. 

Grivel wrote, naturally, in the Utopian tradition. His 
regulations, his educational system, his property allottment, 
his prosperity are not fundamentally different in kind or in 
aim from those of any other author who wrote describing an ideal 
state; and the Robinsonade part of the story savors too much of 
Defoe and his imitators to claim any originality. One note- 
worthy change in the treatment of the subject Grivel did make. 
Heretofore authors of Utopias, like the Greek philosophers, con- 
ceived of states as being made, cut from whole cloth upon a 
pattern previously designed and selected. Grivel 's nation, on 
the other hand, grows; it evolves; and in its development meets 
new problems which must be solved. In this the influence of 
the new political philosophy is apparent. Rousseau, humanitar- 
ianism, and the social contract stare at one from even 7 page of 
the six volumes. Its length and doctrinaire character impair 
the literary value of I 'Isle Inconnuet , just as the story element 
detracts from the propagandist purpose. But Grivel was neither 
a novelist nor an artist. L 'Isle Inconnu6 is the only piece of 
fiction he ever wrote; and in it he could not be expected to 
forget that he was the author of a Theorie de 1 'Education (1776) 
or that he was interested in the administration of the 


state • 

As the eighteenth century drew to its elope a now al- 
most forgotten English novelist, George 7,'alker, stung- into a 
frenzy of fear by the revolutionary doctrines of the Godwin- 
7ollstonecraft-Holorof t-Hume school of pseudo-political philoso- 
phers, combined the Utopia and the satiric voyage in volume II, 
chapters 7 and 8, of his Vagabonds , (1799) a novel intended to 
exhibit a complete refutation of the principles laid down in 
Godwin's Political Justice . In the section mentioned above 
77alker depicts the sorry condition into which a state founded 
upon Godwinian tenets, had fallen. Hhe nation, settled by 
Hebrews, lies somewhere in the Mississippi valley. As the vaga- 
bonds enter it they meet a naked man walking in profound medita- 
tion, who, they learn upon inquiry, meditates upon the good of 
the state. Going farther, they see a man hammering a tree with 
his fist in order to drive "this idea" from his path. No labor, 
they find, is ever completed in this country because, although 
each citizen is required to spend but one-half hour each day 
at productive work, the people either cannot make up their minds 
what task to perform, or their time is up before the job can 
be got under way. Thus art, building-, food production, clothing- 
manufactures, everything is at a standstill, A naked people is 
slowly starving to death under an ideal system of government. 
Communism of women, the visitors also discover, was instituted 

47. He also wrote Princip e de politique , de finance , d 'agri - 
culture , de legislation , et autre s Tranches d 'adminTst ra- 
tion , 2 vols., 1789, and jntretiens d'un jeune Prince 
aye c son Gouverneur . He was on the editorial staff of 
the Nouvelle -Ccole du Monde in 1764, and he wrote 
articles on politicaT s c i enc e for encyclopedias. 


at the founding of the republic, but was eoon superseded by a 
marriarre regulation since inside of two weeks there was not "a 
virgin above fourteen" in the country. Criminals are not 
punished because since a man's nature is always changinr, it is 
impossible to discipline a man for a past crime; consequently 
lawlessness is rife. This state, founded in an effort to realize 
the enormous possibilities of man's boundless perfectibility, is 
in a bad way. 

Walker's ability as a novelist, satirist, and propagan- 
dist is not great. He views innovations with too much alarm; he 
is too nervous; he is in a state of perpetual panic. But his 
criticism is not without some foundation. The starving dwellers 
in this once ideal state are, it is to be feared, more nearly 
true to type than are the sleek inhabitants of Utopia and 
Severambia. Nineteenth century authors, however, did not know 
V/alker's gloomy picture, or, if they did, chose to turn their 
eyes upon brighter canvases where were only snakeless shadows. 
And so talker's hysterical effort to stem the Utopian tide came 
all to naught . 

In spite of this inauspicious close the eighteenth 
century saw great developments in the voyage imaginaire . Swift, 
at the opening of the second quarter, seized upon the satirical 
voyage of Hall and Cyrano de Bergerac, and recognizing the vast 
possibilities which it contained, gave it through the medium 
of his genius and his vigor far more narrative interest than it 
had before possessed, and added to its satire a def initeness 
and point which previously it had altogether lacked. In his 
footsteps trod Brunt, Desfontaine, Holberg, Bethune, and Roumier, 


each doing in his lesser way what the great rnastor of satire 
had marked out, Berington, or whoever wrote (raudentio di Lucca, 
made the utopia moro readable; and even though he made no es- 
sential innovation in the Utopian elements or in the effort to 
force belief, he must be remembered as the author who brought to 
perfection the art of blendinp* personal adventure and the de- 
scription of an ideal state. Later still, Robert Faltock, dream- 
ing: away his inactive days in a quiet corner of London, institut- 
ed a new type of voyage imaginaire — that written primarily to 
amuse; and the gentle imagination which he loosed in Peter 
V/ ilk ins has been, beyond doubt, the inspiration of that prolific 
author Jules Verne. Grivel in France and Walker in England also 
introduced new types of Utopias, which, however, appear to have 
died without issue and are now well nigh forgotten even by 
scholars. But one fact must stand out in all the century. The 
spirit which presides over the inspiration of voyage s imagin - 
aires had again returned to England where was its modern home. 
In 1516 Thomas More had fathered at once the utopia and the 
voyage imaginaire , and in the years between that date and 1650 the 
names of all the great writers of the type, with one exception, 
are HJn^lish — Godwin, Hall, and Bacon. The succeeding period 
was predominantly ^rench, cont ributin.c the names of Cyrano de 
Bergerac, TairaEse, and Foipny. But in the eighteenth swift, 
Berington, and Paltock are, without dispute, the central figures. 
The nineteenth century lies outside the bounds of this study; 
but in 1800 the development of the ^oyage imaginaire was complete. 
Its authors had learned how to make it a story and how to lend 
it verisimilitude. The had adapted it to the portrayal of 


Utopian conditions and to the purposes of moral, political, 

and philosophic satire. All its possibilities had been developed. 

Later authors could hut continue the tradition of the inapinary 

state and add to the effort of P.obert Paltock the elemrnt of 

a more probable, but still fanciful science. 


Chapter VI. 


With the close of the eighteenth century the development 
of the voyage ima?inairo , as has been pointer' out, was practically 
complete, and the only task remaining for its authors was to 
bring to full fruition the last off-shoot, that whose aim was 
primarily to amuse. The change from the type as written in 1516 
to that as written in 1799 was great . L ' Isle Inconnue , to dis- 
regard the fragment in ',7alker ' s Vagabonds , is as different from 
the Utopia as Ho re's England was from Grivel's France. Hot only 
had the political situation change^ throughout Europe; there had 
also been great developments in prose fiction as a whole which 
had a marked effect upon that branch known here as the voyage 
iraaginaire ♦ V/ar had been waged upon this fictional practice 
and that. Attack and defence had been made with equal vigor. 
Standing usually upon the borderline between fiction, and some 
other field of intellectual endeavor politics, education, 
philosophy, or social criticism the voyage imaginaire was 
naturally affected by these practices and theories; but being 
more often the product of men who were not professional romancers 
or novelists, it, as naturally, expresses in itself but little 
of fictional theory. To call the roll of the writers of p-reat 
voyages imaprinaires More, Campanella, Bacon, Vairasse, Poigny, 


Swift, Deefontaine, Bering ton, and paltoek is to mention 
many names seldom included in histories of the novel. Sidney, 
Aleman, Cervantes, Sorel, Camus, Scudery, Calpronede, jJefoe, 
and I.larivaux are not there. No survey of the tyne would, however, 
be complete were a consideration of fictional theory and its ef- 
fect upon the voyage imaginaire to he omitted. 

At its modern beginning in 1516 the voyage imaginaire , 
as has been shown, was purposive literature, and purposive liter- 
ature it was to remain until 1750 and after. An "ulterior pur- 
pose, moral or political" enveloped it. In this the type fol- 
lowed the fictional fashion prevalent in its own day. Dr. A. J. 
Tieje finds that before 1740 prose fiction had five aims-. 1 amuse- 
ment, edification, instruction, representation of life, arous- 
ing sympathetic emotion; but he also finds that the last two 
are rarely proclaimed. The first, moreover, was on the defen- 
sive, Boccaccio and Bandello, for instance, staunchly defending 
the right of the author to entertain his reader; but the tendency 
was against them, and their translators, Painter and "Penton, did 
not hesitate to insert passages, often lascivious and licentious 
to a surprising degree, in an effort to point the pathway to 
morality. Even picaresque literature had to profess a purity of 
aim by announcing the intention of bringing the hero to a bad 
end; Guzman d'Alfarche was to pass his last days in the gallies, 
and the English rogue was to be swept off by the plague. 2 As 
late as Defoe death or reformation were the only courses open 
to a villain. And Garnier in his prefaces constantly assures 

; 1. The Expressed Critical Theory of Europe~an~Prose Fiction before 
174° . pp. 3~~~4~ ~ 
2. Aleman, 11., Guzman d'Alfarche (1509); Head, R. and Kirkman 
P., EnglisFlTogue (1665 - 1680). 


the reader that instruction as well as amusement awaits him in 
the pages which follow. So, as did all other types of fiction, 
the voyage inaginairo had to content itself with edifying or 
instructing its readers. 

This iif did in full measure. Ideal oeoples pass before 
us in the pages of More, Campanella, and Vairasse; oerfect edu- 
cational systems are exhibited by Andreae, Bacon, and Sri veil 
the high moral qualities of Foigny's hemaphrodites and Swift's 
Brobdingnags insnire us: and Cyrano de Bergerao, Swift, and 
Desfontaine tell us what contemptible beings we mortals are. 
Even Kirkby as late as 1745 aimed at "service to the cause of 
religion and virtue"; and Paltock, writing evidently to amuse, 
expresses the hope that his volumes may be "perhaps useful". 

This moral aim also affected other portions of theory 
as applied to the voyage imaginaire . In the Utopias, for in- 
stance, character could not receive attention. Interest being 
centered in the nature of the state and its practice, men, ex- 
cept en bloc , were of little interest; and seldom do we learn 
anything of individuals, national character alone being por- 
trayed. Perhaps it was a realization of this lack, perhaps it 
was, as I am inclined to think, the desire for variety, which 
led authors such as Nicius and Vairasse to include "histories 
of lovers in their works. But always as in the satirical 
voyages , such as Milor d Ceton , these digressions seek to shed 
light upon the practice of the nation under discussion or to 
add point to the satire. Sometimes they relate antecedent 
events of importance to the story, as in Grivel's L 1 Isle Inoonnue . 
They are never mere digression for degression's sake or even 


for that of art. They have a real just if ioation for being. 
Characterization of the traveller himself is slight in the early 
voyages. His voracity and probity are amply attested, but that 
is all; and Campanella and Bacon dispense even with this cere- 
mony. Only in Gaudentio di Lucca is he described at lenpth, and 
that in the Int roauc t ion . The picaresque heroe? of the more ad- 
venturous type of voyage imaginaire are better drawn, but not 
even in these is there any real character sketching, the em- 
bryonic rascals of Gonzales, Desfontaine, and Paltock never 
getting beyond the possibility of evil. 

Character sketching v/as, furthermore, hindered by the 
autobiographical form of the voyage , for a man cannot be expected 
to describe himself. L'odesty forbids it. And the voyage imagin - 
aire has never in its pure types been weaned away from the first 
person in its narrative.. The long discussions over the relative 
values of first and third person never affected it. The sus- 
pense which the latter point of view gives was not a matter of 
concern with this type of fiction. She omniscience which comes 
with the former was absolutely necessary both as a means of 
explaining how the author came by his knowledge and as a means 
of gaining verisimilitude. Even the introductions and prefaces 
which tell of the manuscripts cannot deviate into descriptions 
of the hero; for not infrequently the editor has ne% r er seen the 
"author". Siden's manuscript was come by secondhanded, and 
Kirkby found his in a "trunk". Thus the author being unwilling 
to tell about himself, and the editor unable to do so, the 
hero's character must be inferred from such incidental sources 
as the narrative affords; and the descriptive nature of the 


o-f— tlxe voyage im^inair e and its frequent luck of personal ad- 
venture £ive few such opportunities. 

Purpose had, too, a deterrent effect upon the introduction 
Of the love element into the voyage imaginaire . Prom the early 
Utopias love is conspicuously absent, but Frythraeus grafted a 
love episode on to this Uudemia (1637). Vairasse, however, was 
the first to connect the hero with such an emotion when he made 
Captain Siden marry three wives and return to Europe after their 
deaths because he was lonely. Berington followed his lead in 
Gaudent io di Lucca; and Foi.n;ny made misplaced sensual affection 
the reason for Sadeur's leaving- Australia. Desfontaine, however, 
had the honor of first formulating; a theory on this point: "They 
(the opponents of Gulliver ) complain of not having been interested 
by intrigues and by emotional scenes; they wished a fiction ac- 
cording to rules, and they have found only a succession of alle- 
gorical voyap-es, without any amoroup a-l iT enture One has 

had a certain regard for their taste in this work. Neverthe- 
less, one has only moderately committed himself to this, for 


fear of departing from the genre". Yet while love does play 

an important part in the voyage i mag i na i r e after 1730, and in 
Milord Geton and Peter Wilkins leads to marriage, it never 
became, before 1000 at least, an intimate part of the narrative 
fabric; and as late as L T Isle Inconnue the love episodes, as in 
all other Utopias, remained apart from the purposive sections 
of the story. 

The political or moral aim of the voyage imaginaire also 

determined the descriptive elements which entered into it. 

3. Tieje, A. J., The Expressed Theory of "'''rose Fiction before 
1740 , pgTTlT. ' 


.'/hereas description was early recognized by theorist? of fiction 
as beinr one of the thinr-p which might he pared away to the 
consequent unification of the narrative, it always retained its 
place in the Utopia since in some form or other description was 
a necessary adjunct of that form of fiction. Without it ideal 
cities, prosperous and well-managed republics could not be 
presented; without it manners and customs could not be praised 
or satirized. Description was the very breath of life in the 
voyage i maginaire . Only once, however, does description ar,pear 
for its own sake in this type of narrative; Barnes in his 
Gerania indulged himself in a highly ornate description of dawn. 
Everywhere else the effort is always expended on a subject ger- 
mane to the central theme: Amaurote in the Utopia , the walls in 
the Civitas Soils , the college in the New Atlantis , and the 
temple in L 'Histoire des severambes . Thus while description was 
decried by all the theorists of fiction except Mile. Scudery, 
in the voyage imaginaire it found not only a refuge but a legiti- 
mate use. 

In the modern sense of accurate setting, however, de- 
scription was unknown to authors of the voyage imaginaire as it 
appears, as far as I know, to have been unknown to writers of 
other types of fiction. The cause is not far to seek; for what- 
ever demands in this direction may have been made upon the authors 
of pastoral, heroic, and other types of romances or novels, and 
whatever may have been their efforts to supply them, the writers 
of the voyage imaginaire were perfectly free in this respect. 
As they created their peoples, so they created the countries 
in which those peoples lived* Since no iiuropean except Siden 


had ever visited doverambia and returned, who was to question the 
truth of his setting? This freodom of imagination was almost 
the peculiar property of those who produced this type of fiction 
since they alone were exempted from the limits naturally imposed 
upon those who dealt with the known world; and so in a time when 
imagination had to justify its existence, the voyage imaging ire 
did yeoman service in keeping this inspiring force alive. 

This very advantage, nevertheless, placed a heavy burden 
upon the authors of the voyage imaginaire . Dealing with lands 
not charted upon the maps, with peoples strange either because 
of their perfection, depravity, or size, these writers had to 
make an especial effort to secure belief on the reader's part. 
The bald assertion of having seen a thing, which had served 
Herodotus and Handeville, was no longer sufficient. Nor was 
the author's proclamation of his own veracity as it is illustrated 
in Liandeville 's fiction of the Pope's approval for his book. The 
most natural method after these for forcing belief was to bolster 
up one's assertion by the citation of authorities; and from the 
time of Godwin onward this practice was common among authors of 
the voyage imaginaire , Poigny, Barnes, Daniel, and Desfontaine 
all using it. But to it was added a further habit of protesting 
that incredulity was folly. Godwin so asserted, and others after 
him, even Vairasse with his elaborate Preface deigning to employ 
this trick. The greatest tool of the voyage imaginaire for 
p-aining credence was the pretended manuscript. Godwin, who first 
made a claim to such a document, failed to recognize the hidden 
possibilities of such a device; but Vairasse did, and "at once 
upon the publication of the exceedingly popular Severambians , 


the highly developed preface became a constant feature of the 
voyage imapinaire ", while "the historical novels, the chronigue 
scandaleuse , the frame -work cont e des f e^e s, and, in esnecial, 
the picaresque tales and the novel of manners by such important 
authors as Defoe, Prevost, and Marivaux speedily adopted the 
device" . 4 

Complete originality in these inventions cannot, however, 
be claimed for the authors of the voyage imaginaire . ''rotesta- 
tions as to the truth of the narrative are common even before 
1579. Bandello before that date and the unknown author of the 
Serpent of Horsham (1614) after it vehemently proclaim the truth 
of their narratives; while "after 1614", says Dr. A. J. Tieje, 
"assertions cf veracity can be gathered at random from every 
type of fiction save the frame-work conte des f 6es , the pastoral, 
allegorical, and satirical romances".* 5 Citation of authority, 
too, is universal in prose fiction, and is not at all confined to 
the voyage imaginaire , Defoe, ^revost, and I\:arivaux, according 
to ')t. A. J. Tieje, best showing the force of the movement. ^ 
Cervantes, moreover, had, or claimed to have had, a manuscript 
from which he transcribed Don Quixote (1605 - 1616); and so 
common was the ruse that when Mile. Scudery wrote her Alamene in 
1649, she could say to those who doubted the truth of the narra- 
tive that they could "imagine" she had found a manuscript in 
the Vatican. To this elaborate manuscript device all fiction 
writers who use it added the practice of attesting the editor's 

or the author's veracity or probity. Although this has been in 

4. Tie ,}e , ' . J., The Expressed Critical Theory of Europ e an Prose 

Fiction before 1740 , pp. 44 - 4b. 

5. Same, pg. 41. 

6. Same, pg. 43. 


part discussed under characterization, 7 it nay again bo considered 
here. Even as Peter Giles witnessed L'ore's fidelity in relating 
the conversation with Hythloday or as Gulliver was a "proverb" 
among the "neighbors at Redriff", so Cid Benengeli "appears when- 
ever Cervantes wishes to strike back at his ill-wishers".^ The 
device of Sadeur's crocodiles has already been cited, ? and Des- 
fontaine hides behind a rescued Hollander when he describes the 
lands about Terra del Fuego. This practice is not unlike Defoe's 
in Mrs. Veal (1706), nor that of Sandras in Guy Joli (168-), and 
Vairasse's supplementary witnesses — LI. van Dam, Thomas Skinner, 
and the Dutch commissioner -- have a numerous progeny in the 
pages of eighteenth century fiction. 

Further effort to force belief centers around accuracy of 
detail and directness of style. The exactness with which certain 
authors pointed out the geographical locations of their lands has 
been pointed out, and the addition of maps which began with Hall 
is found as late as the publication of Gulliver ' s Travels . Foiprny 
and Yairasse were the first, however, to exploit geographical 
accuracy; and the efforts of Defoe, Desfontaine, and Berington 
in this respect are merely imitations of these tv/o . The first, 
for instance, boasts that failure awaits "all the endeavor of 
envious people who reproach ( Robinson Crusoe ) with being a romance, 
to search it for errors in geography". In this respect the 
voyage imaginaire was more realistic than other forms of fiction 
since the authors of the heroico-historical , allegorical, and 

7 . Tie je, A . J . , The Expressed Critical Theory of -European Prose 

Fiction before 1740, pg. 43. 

8. Same, pg . 46. 

9. See pg. 


pastoral romances felt no especial call to force belief in this 
fashion; but pleased themselves rather with vague countries ly- 
ing nowhere in particular, or with a strangely falsified geog- 

raphy . 

Such a craze for accuracy had also an effect upon style 
in the voyage imaginaire . These works had perforce to be auto- 
biographical, or be edited from manuscripts which were bo, since 
otherwise their veracity would have been open to doubt; conse- 
quently they were for the most part supposed to have been written 
by seamen or by men with little education. This accounts for the 
simplicity of style in Peter V/ilkins. In L 'Histoire des Severambes 
the "unornamented" language of the manuscript is indicated as a 
sure proof of its genuineness. This practice is equally character- 
istic of other forms of fiction. Jackson's Recantation (1674) 
"apologizes thus for its 'plainness of style'"; the Memoirs of an 
English Officer is not ''embellished with rhetorical flourishes"; 
Prevost in Doyen of Killerine (1735) says that the wish to be 
truthful has made him "sincere" if not graceful in style; and 
Marivaux's Marianne asks: "Shall I write as I write letters?" 1 - 1 - 
Yet "ornateness of style is as likely in the early eighteenth 

century to be connected with the desire for belief as is plainness 

of tone". The voyage imaginaire , however, was saved from becom- 
ing rhetorical by its very purpose. It did not aim at arousing 
sympathetic emotion; its desire was to instruct. This end it 
found best served by directness. Description was for a useful 

10. The hero, of Pal mer in of England (1540) enters, not long after 

leaving London, an enchanted valley. 

11. Tieje, A. J. The Expressed Critical Theory of European Prose 

Fi ction bef ore~^.74Q , pg. 54. 

12. Same. 


tool; and so, excopt in rare instances, such as those in Lea 
Isles Fortunce s or the Voyage d ' Alcinedon . it was expository 
rather than impressionistic, simple rather than ornate. 

The problem oi' the unities that exercised Calprenede did 
not, it appears, affect the voyage imaginaire , for the unity of 
place which he employed to bind his numerous plots together 
was impossible in a travel book. Furthermore, the very nature 
of this sort of fiction made necessary the inclusion of a great 
variety of materials — descriptions of governments, religions, 
home-life, dress, manners, customs, morals, landscapes, and so 
forth, which in themselves destroyed all possibility of a uni- 
fied plot except such as came from centering the story about a 
single country or a single hero. Often, too, as in the Utopia 
and L 'Histoi re des Severambes , there is no order in the presenta- 
tion of the details, a single one occurring and re-occurrin°" 
throughout the narrative. Like other forms of fiction early began 
to include the "histories" of lovers; and these form the p-reatest 
violations of unity within the type, although, as with Vairasse 
and Berington, some attempt is made to attach them to the main 
thread of the story by using thern as illustrative material. Still 
they remained apart from the main theme until the time of Paltock 
when the voyage tended to become a story pure and simple. 

Other theorizing about style did not seriously affect the 
voyage imagi naire. The general practice of the heroico-historical 
romance of beginning in medias res was that of More, Oampanella, 
and Bacon; but such abrupt opening, since the purpose of the voy - 
age imaginaire precluded a graceful "recurrence to former events 
which was possible in other forrs of fiction, left t^e story 


incomplete or awkwardly arranged, i'ore alone managed to perform 
the feat with some decree of skill, but he could only mention 
Hythloday ' s wanderings; the prior experiences of the Genoese 
captain and Bacon's crew are unknown to the reader. With Vair- 
asse began the rise of the autobiographical beginning although 
Godwin had used it to some extent, and Cyrano also; and after 
him, probably under the encouragement of t>^e picaresque tale, 
it continued to be the regular practice. So popular was it, in 
fact, that in 17H7 Brunt wrote with the appearance of asperity; 
"Nothing is more common than a Traveller's beginning the Account 
of his Voyages with one of his Family; in which, if he can't 
boast Antiquity, he is sure to make it up with the Probity of 
his Ancestors. As it can in no way interest my Header, I shall 
decline following a Method, which I can't but think ridiculous, 
as unnecessary. I shall only say, that by the Death of my Father 
and Mother, which happened while I was an Infant, I fell to the 
Care of my Grandfather by my Mother, who was a Citizen of some 
Note in Bristol , and at the Age of Thirteen sent me to Sea 
Prentice to a Master of a Merchant -man' 1 . His attack had, how- 
ever, little effect; for Peter w'ilkins imitates Jacques sadeur 
in recounting all of his adventures; and if, as did Mouhy and 
G-rivel, authors begin with a raging storm, they soon find space 
to halt the narrative and tell of the hero's earlier days. But 
general practice in the voyage imaginair e has approved the 
genealogical beginning. 

Thus far it is clear that in the development of fictional 
theory the v oyage imaginaire has followed as often as it has led, 
reflected as often as it has been reflected. Only in the effort 

to force "belief has this type contributed much to general practice 
But in spite of its apparent imitation in theory, the voyare in - 
aginaire had made an important contribution to prose fiction. 
Without it the most interesting Utopias would never have come to 
he, a most interesting form of satire would remain unwritten, 
and a highly exciting type of adventure story would be absent 
from our shelves. 

If these authors had not transported their heroes or them- 
selves into far off lands, the description of the ideal state must 
have remained forever the abstract philosophical treatise of Plata 
By the addition of the personal element, by the direct and con- 
crete presentation of a supposed actuality, made possible only by 
a supposed eye-witness 1 narration of his own experiences, the 
voyage imaginaire added to the philosophic speculation and gave 
the ideal state a reality it otherwise could not have had. The 
Utopia thus became a living force. Its reality, and consequently 
its practicability, was less open to question. By its probability 
it emphatically answered the charge of being visionary. Plato 
could be charged with dreaming; he admitted his Republic to be a 
soul state unrealizable on earth. Not so More, Yairasse, and 
Bering-ton. Utopia, Severanbia, Mezarania challenge our disbelief. 
In saner moments, of course, we deny their existence; but under 
the magic spell of their authors they rise in vivid detail. For 
the moment we lonn* to stroll down the well-sheltered streets of 
Amaurote, or present a half -blown rose to some dusky, moon-be- 
spangled lady in central Africa. The ideal becomos the real. 
The Utopian times are here as no political or philosophic tract 
can conjure them into being. 


To satire also the voyiro lnaglnalrg lent a power not 
otherwise inherent in that sort of writing. '.Vithout the rirht 
to describe imaginary lands, satirists would hare found them- 
selves limited in scope; and without the additional privilege of 
transporting a hero into those lands, satire, like the utopia, 
would ha T -e found even the imaginary country of no great advantage, 
for the concreteness necessary to effective composition would 
have been denied. The exaggeration permitted by the first of 
these licenses is a requisite of satire. A glutton in ^n^land 
affords only limited opportunities for gibes; transferred into 
Cramilia, he is a victim of the author's unfettered imagination. 
Vraisemblance may be cast to the winds. Fancy can sport at rill. 
T .7alls of bones, schools of gluttony, magistrates chosen by waist 
measure are not impossible there. Rocks, soft as velvet, melted 
by a lover's sighs, may exist in the Arcadia of Bougeant's Prince 
Fanferedin , but not in any known country of this terrestrial 
globe. So satire gains when it takes the form of the voyage im- 
aginaire. The possibility which the voyage imaginaire further 
allows of identifying the reader with the hero also makes the 
satire more keen. Cyrano's humiliation before the court of 
birds is our own. Gulliver's disgust at the Yahoos is ours. 
Human sympathy pulses in the pages of such satire. 

Finally, the voyage imaginaire has made the story of ex- 
travagant adventure possible. As long as such fiction had to 
confine itself within the bounds of the known world so long did 
it run the danger of becoming ridiculous. Enchanted forests, 
magic castles, and marvellous beasts are out of place near home. 
The frame-work conte des f£es made magic possible in fiction by 


the introduction of an oriental letting; but the voyagg estab- 
lished another branch of the surprising. Exotic plants, it range 
beasts, unknown lands and peoples march through its pa?es. 
Winded folk and hairy marine monsters are not improbable in 
Peter ,/ilkin's rock-walled valley; but the creatures of pal- 
tock's imagination show tawdry in the white light of day. They 
need the soft and transf ormin?: magic of the glow which is eriven 
off only by the voyagre imaginaire . In this theater of the imag- 
inary voyage a veritable wonder house is displayed. Imagination 
is once more free, and the incredible becomes the real. 

This was the contribution of the voyage imaginaire to 

prose fiction in the days when imagination was decried, it 

kept alive the flame which must for ever inspire all creative 
art. Even when the shibboleth of ' ! ulterior purpose" ruled its 
destiny, when utilitarian aims were its final p-oal, its authors, 
perhaps unknowingly, sounded the call, and around the standard 
rallied men who, dreaming, saw beyond the present into the misty 
distance of the future. To-day many of Bacon's imaginings have 
been realized; science has given us the Maxim 9mn, the aeroplane, 
and the telegraph. May not Amaurote some day rise from the 
ashes a rejuvenated London? Or Severambian humanitarianism rule 
the world? Idealism lives within the pages of these books. 
May it not some day walk abroad? And when it does, shall we not 
turn to these forgotten, or half-forgotten authors and give 
them their proper meed of praise? For better than all the tales 
ever penned by the romancers and the novelists, better than all 
the theories of fiction ever formulated, they have given to the 
world a noble heritage of unfettered, free imagination. 


i-'or the sa*e of convenience this bibliography is divided into three 

divisions: I, a chronological list of voyages ima^inaires and Kindred works; 

II, a list of voyages imaginaires and kindred works arranged alphabetically 

under the names authors; and III, a list of historical and critical works 
dealing with prose fiction arranged alphabetically under the names of authors. 



N. B. — Works not strictly voyages imaginaires 
are distinguished by astericks. 

6th century B.C. 

#Ezekiel, XL - XlVIII. 
5th century B.C. 

#Herodotus, True History (see lu34) 
4th century B.C. 

#Plato, Critias 

#Plato, Republic 

■„ Plato, Timaeus 
A.D. 1st century 

Antonius Diogenes, Of the Wonders beyond Thule 

#Plutarch, Life of ^ycurgus 
200 (cir.) 

Lucian, Verae Historiae (see, 16o4 and 1684) 
1198 (cir.) 

#Ebn Tophail, Hai Ebn Yokdhan (see, 1671, 1674, and 1708) 

1350 (cir. ) 

Liandeville, John, The Voiage and Travail e of 
uore, Thomas, Utopia (see lbt>l ) 


#Patri*i, La Citta Felice 


Stiblin, Caspar, Commentariolus de "udemonesium hepublica 
l&Z (cir) 

Camoens, Luiz, L* Isle Enchantee 


fr English translation of Herodotus True History by .tarnaby Rich 
1599 I cir.) 

£odv/in, Francis, The i»an in the ^oone (written; see 1633 J 


Hall, Joseph, fundus Alter et Idem (see 1603, 1669, and 1684) 


English translation of Hall's fundus Alter e_t Idem by J(ohn) H(ealey) 
1615 (cir.) 

Anon . , le Nouveau - anurge , avec sa navigation en 1* isle imaginaire 


Andreae, Johann Valentine, Christianopolis (see 1741) 


Caropanella, Tommaso, Civitas Solis 


bacon, Francis, x<ew Atlantis I see 1640 and 1676) 



#Bisel, J., Icaria 
Erythraeus, J. N. , Eudemla 


uodwin, i.Tancis f The ^an in the ~oon e (publi. hed) 


A continuation of Eacon's New Atlantis by E.K. 


Hartlib, Sarauel, i^aoria 


Jott, Samuel, Nova Solyma 


,-ontpensier, Anna, Kelatio n de l'lsie Iraeginaire 


Aubignac, L'Abbe Hedelin d' , La_ Kelation du Koyaurae de Goqueterie 
French translation of Luciaa's Verae Historiae by Perrot d'Ablincourt 


Eergerac, Cyrano de, Voyage dans la Lune ( see 1669 and 1662) 


English translation of Cyrano ae Eergerac' s Voyage dans la Lung 


Fontaines, Louys, Kelation du ?ays de Jansenie (see 1SS8) 
Sadler, John, Qlbia 


Eergerac , Cyrano de , Les Voyages de Cyrano de Eergerac dans les Etats et 
les Empires de la Lune et du Soliel ( see 1687 j 


Tallement, L'Abbe de t ^ Voyage d_e i.' Isle d ' Amour 


English trans l ation of -ouys Fontaines * E ft In 1 1 on du i r.ys de Jansenle by 

Neville, Henry, Isle of Pines 


An imitation of Kali's ^ undus Alter et Idem under the title ^sittacorum 
Eegio , anon . 


ff ±l atin translation of Ebn Tophail's Hai Eton Yo^dhan by Edward - ocock 
1672 (cir.) 

Schooten, Henry van. Hairy giants 


En glish translation of Ebn Tophail's Hai Eon Yo^dhan from the -atin by 
Edward Pococic, anon . 


rarnes, Joshua, jerania 

English translation of Denis d'Allais Vairasse's L'Histoire des 
Severances , Parti (see 1677), anon . 


A continuation of Bacon's Hew Atlantis by Joseph lilanvil 
r'oigny, Gabriel, Avantures de Jacques Sadeur (see 1693) 
Sadeur, Nicholas, Terre Australe (see Poigny, 1676) 


Vairasse, Denis d'Allais, L'Histoire des oeverambes, .-afct I (see 1675, 
1679, 1738) 


Vairasse, Denis d'Allais, L'Histoire des Severambes , Part II 

English translation of Denis d'Allais Vairasse's L'Histoire des 
S gverambes , rart II, anon . 


English translation of Ball' a ^undus ^.lter ct Idem under the title 
Travels of Don i-'rancisco ^uevedo by R. 3. 

English translation of ^ucian's Verae Historiae by L^ence 


English translation of Cyrano de kergerac's Voyages dans la ^une et le 
Soliel t anon . 


Cavendish, ....argaret, Duchess of Newcastle, The b lazing V/orld 
loiD cir.) 

Aulnoy, Line, de, L'Isle de uelicite 


Daniel, Gabriel, Voyage du Mmde de Descartes (see 1692; 


English translation of Daniel's Voyage du i^onde de Descartes 


English translation of /oigny' s Jacques Sadeur 


# Anon . , Per WohA^ericfatete staat Ophir 


Defoe, Daniel, The Consoiidator , re-worked later in the same year into 
A Journey to the Loon , A Second and Lore Strange Journey to the upon 
and A .better from the loan in the uoon to the Author of "The True 
horn Englishman " 


#English translation of Ebn Tophail's Hai Ebn YoKdhan by Simon Ockley 


Tyssot de .fatot. Voyages et Aventures de Jacoues i^asse 


ff-^ontcsyuieu, Charles de, .u'Kistoire des '^'rogiodites 


«Defoe, Daniel, hob ins on Crusoe 


#Chetwood, -v. , Voyages of id chard .falconer 
?*Defoe, Daniel, Captain Singleton 

tfTyasot de xT-tot, i^a Vie , et le Voyage de C-roenland du heverend rere Cor- 
delier ~ ierre de iuesonge 


Sraeeks, Heinrich, xeschreioung des ^chtingen ^onigreichs *>j-inse gestae s 


#Wahrenlmrg, C. von, .Land der ^ufriedenheit 

Anon* , delation d'un Voyage du role Arctique au x-'ole Antarctique par le 
Centre du ^onde 


Legrand, M. A., .bes Aventures du Voyageur Arien 


Swift, Johnathan, uul liver ' s Travels 


x-ennet, i/ucas, laemoirs of the Court of Lilliput 
irunt, Samuel, Voyage to Caciclogallinia 


#Arbuthnot , John, An Account df the State of ^ earnin g in lilliput 
Desfontaine, -'Abbe, l^ouveau Culliver (see 1731) 
i-iacDermot, Uirtagh, Trip to the ^oon 


Knglish translation oi' .uesfontaine 1 s iMouveau Julliver , anon . 
Schnabel, J . , Insul r'elscnburg 

Anon. , Trave l 3 of an Adventurous ivni,;ht in the ^inffllo::; of '.Yonder 


iougeant, &« K., Prince xanferedin 
^ouhy, C. A, x.amekis 


berington, Sinon, uaudentio di ^ucca 


Holberg, Ludwig, Iter Subterraneum (see 1747) 


rfxviritby, John, Autoraathes 


Rnglish translation of Hoxberg's Iter oubterraneum , anon * 


x^ethune, Chevalier de. Relation du konde de ^ercure 
Paltock, Robert, reter Vv'ilidns 

Roumier, Robert, Voyage de milord Ceton dans les 3ej?t Pianettes 


Anon * , I'Histoire d'un Houveau veuple 


Cabrelos, Abbes de, Voyage dans les Rspaces In&ginaires 


bricaire, H. , L'Isle Taciturn et l'lsle Ingenuee 
iuartigny, Comte de, Voyage d'Aleim^don 



Anon . , The £ raise of Hell ; or, a View of the Infernal ^e^ions 


^t-n^-iish translation of Plato's republic by bishop lipens 


Anon . , A Voyage through Hell 


Clairfons, Julie, xies Isles uortunees 


cretonne , N* , La l>ecouverte Australe par un Homme Volant 
1783 - 1787 

urivel, M. f L'lsle Inconnue 


Anon * , The Pope' s Journey to the Qthe r „orld to ^eek Advice and Assistance 
against the National Assembly of trance 


Walker, ueorge, The Vagabonds 





M. R. — Works not strictly voyages inaglnaires are 
distinguished by astericks. 

Andreae, Johann Valentine , . Reipubl icae Christianopol itanae Descriptio , Strass- 
burg, 1619. 

German translation by D. S. deorgi, ^eise nach der lnsul Caphar Salama , 

1741; another ed., 1764. 
English translation by tf. E. Held, 1914. 

Antonius Diogenes, Of the Wonders beyond Thule , cir. 1st century, ^reserved only 
in summary by Phctius, ed. I. Bekker, pp. 109 - 112. 

Arbuthnot, John, An Accovnt of the State of .Learning in the Empire of Lilliput , 
toge ther v.'ith the History and Character of Nullum , the Emperor' s 
^jprary-Aeeper ♦ x-'cithfully transcribed out of Ca ptain Lemuel 
Gulliver * s General Description of the Lrai ire of Lilliput , 1728. 
Reprinted in Arbuthnot ' s Life and Work? , ed. G. A. Aitkin, 1892, pp. 483- 

/■ulignac, L'Abbe Rede 1 in d' , La delati on du Royaune de Coqueterie , Paris, 16L4. 
Reprinted in Voyages Imagine, ires , vol* xxvi.^ 

Aulnoy, ±*me. d» , L* Isle de ^eiicite , cir. 1690, 

Reprinted in Voyages Imaginaires , vol. xxvii. 

Bacon, Prancis, The liew Atlantis ; in Sylva Syl varum ; or a Ilaturall History , in 

Ten Centuries , folio, 1826; 1627; 1628; 1631; 163o; 1639; 1651; 16o8 ; 
1662; 1664; 1670; 1684. 

Reprinted and bound with Hall's fundus Alter e-t Idem and Campanelia's 
Civitas Solis , 1643; same in 1680. 

Reprinted in Ideal Corsmonwealths , ed. Henry Lorley, 188 o. 

Prench translation, 1636. 

Por continuations see: 

Grlanvil, Joseph 
H., R. 

Barnes, Joshua, 'Jerania ; or a new Discovery of a Little sort of People anciently 
discoursed of , called rygmies , with a lively Description of their 
Stature , Hat its . planners. Buildings , ivnowiedge , and government , 
bein F ; very delightful and profitable , x-ondon, 1675. 

Begley, Walter, See Samuel Gott, i\ T ova Solyma . 

Bennet, x/ucas, Memoirs of the Court of Lilliput . Written by Car tain Gulxiver , 

'/o All references to Voyages Imaginaires , unless otherwise indicated, are to 
Garnier's collection in thirty-nine volumes, Amsterdam, 1787 - 1759- . 
See under Garnier in this division of the bibliography. 


rergerac, Cyrano de. Voyage dans la Lttne, I606. 

English translation, 16;j9 ; ed. Lovoll, 1399. 

jfcergerac, Cyrano de, i-es Voyage a de Cyrano de rergerac dans Les Etat s et lea 
Emi ires de la ^unc et du Soliel , et 1 [ Kistoire des Oi scaux , 1662. 
Reprinted in Voyages lnagina ires t vol* xiii, pp. 116 - 461, 1767; 
Reprinted, ed. Delahaya, 1868. 
English translation, 1687. 

berington, Simon, The Adventures of Jcudentic di Lucca , being the substance of 

his examlnat ion before the gathers of the lnc.uisition , at rologna , in 
Italy , giving on account of an unknown country in the midst of the 
desarts of Africa copied i'rom the original manuscript in St . mark' s 
Library , at Venice , with criti cal notes by the learned Slgnor Rhedi , 
translated from the Italian , with §_ , refacc by the ± ublisher , and 
an Introduction by P. Alisio de St. Ivorio , 1737$ 1746; Dublin, 1821. 

Beprinted in Novelist ' s kaga^ine , vol. xxi, 1786. 

.•rend: translation in Voyages Imaginaires , vol. vi, 1787. 

bethune. Chevalier de, Relation du nonde de i.,ercure, 2 vols., Geneva, 1750. 
Reprinted in Voyag es Imaginaires , vol. xvi, 1787. 

#bisei, J., Icaria , London, 1627. 

rordelon, L. , uougam ou 1 'Homme iTodigieux trans] orte dans l'a ir , sur le terre , 
et sous les eaux , ^aris, 1711. 
Reprinted, Amsterdam, 1713. 

I ougeant , 6 . H . , Voyage ^ervellieu du x'rince Panferedin dans la Romancie , 
Paris, 175o. 

Reprinted in Voyages Imaginaires , vol. xxvi , 1787. 

bretonne, Nicholas E« , La_ Decouverte Australe par un horame volant . Ou le Dedal e 
f rancaise ; noxr/elle tres p hilosophique, Leipzig and Paris, 1781. 

bricaire de la Dixmerie, N* , L'lsle Taciturn et l'lsle Enjouee , 1759. 
Reprinted in Voyages Imaginaires , vol* xxvii, 1787. 

brunt, Samuel, Voyage to Cacklogallinia with §_ description of the_ religion , 
. olicy . Customs and ^anne rs of that Country , ^ondon, 1727. 

Cabrelos, Abbes de, Voyage dans les Espaccs Imaginaires , 17^3. 

Camoens, -^uys, L'lsle Enchantee , cir. 1572. 

Reprinted in Voyages Imaginaires , vol. x^vii, 1787. 

Canpanella, Tommaso, Civitas Soils , vel de reipublica idea dialogus poeticus . 
Interlocutores ; Rose, italarius ^agnus et nautarum gucernator 
ijenuensis hospes , Prankfort, 1620; 1623. 
Reprinted and bevind with bacon's Jew Atlantis and Hall's Uundus Alter et 
Idem , 1643; 1630. 

English translation by Halliday for Henry korley's Ideal Commonwealths , 


Cavendish, Largaret, Duchess of Newcastle, Description of a i.ew World , called 
the Biasing World . 1666; 1688. 

Calirfons, Julien J. M. de, Les Isles i-ortunees , ou les Avcntures de rathryllc 
et de CleoLule , 1771. 
A new edjtion reviewed and corrected by the author in Voyages Imggjgalrea . 
vol. x, pp. 97 - 210, 1737. 

Daniel, Cabriel, Voyage du Londe de Descartes , raris, 16?0; 1702; 1720; 1729. 
English translation, lu92. 

Another by T. Taylor, Voyage to the World of the Certesians . 1694. 

Defoe, Daniel, The Consolidator ; or alemoirs of oundry Transactions from the 

World in the ±uOon. Translated from the ^unar ^,-nguage , by the Author 
of the ' True Lorn E nglishman ',' 17 Ot,. 

Defoe, Daniel, A Journey to the World of the ^.oon , 1705. (tartly a reprint of 
the Consolidator ) 

L>efoe, Daniel, A Second and i..ore J t range Journey to the World of the ^oon , 1705. 
(Partly a reprint of the Consolidrtor ) 

Defoe , Daniel , A Letter from the i»ian in the ^oon to the Author of the True iorn 
Englishman " , 170u. (rartly a reprint of the Consolidator J 

# Defoe, Daniel, The Life and Strange Surprising Adventure of hob ins on Cruso e of 
York , i>iariner , London , 1719. tfirst edition reprinted four times in 

Second edition, 1719. 

Third edition, 1719. 

Sevehth, with Part II. 1726; 1736. 

Reprinted in British Novelists , vols, xvi and xvii, 1820. 
Reprinted in Works, vols, i, ii, iii, 1903. 

r'rench translation in Voyages lmaginaires , vols, i, ii , iii, 1767. 

f Defoe, Daniel, The Life , Adventures, and Ryracies of the r'amous Capta in Single- 
ton , containing an account of his being set ashore in the island of 
i^dagascar , as also of his many adventures and pyracies with the 
famous Captain Avery and others , London, 1720; 1721. 
Second edition, 1737. 
reprinted in Works , vol., vi, 1903. 

Desfontaine, rierre u\ G-. , Le liouveau uul liver , ou Voyages de Jean Gulliver , 
ills du Capitrtine x.emuel Gulliver , 1730. 
Reprinted in Voyages lmaginaires , vol. xv, pp. 7 - 374. 
English translation by J. Lockman, 1731. 

#Ebn Tophail (Abu Jaafar lbn Al-Tdfailj, Kai Ebn YoKdhan, cir. 1193. 

Latin translation by Edward rocock, Rhilosophus Autodidactus , 1671. 
English translation, 1674. 
Another, 1686. 

Another by Simon Ockley from the original Arabic, 17C8; 1711. 
Erythraeus, Janus Kicius, See uiovanni Vittoria di Rossi. 
# Ezeklel . Si - XLVIII , 6th century B.C. 


r'oigny, Gabriel, Leg Avantures de Jacques Sadeur dans la Uecouvcrte et lc Vola^c 
de la^ -^erre Australc , contcnant lea coutumes et lea noeura des Aus - 
tral leng , leur religion, lour exercises , l eur etudes , leur guerre a , 
lea anlmaux partlculiers A ce Qfl 1 8 1 et toutcs los ggretej curieuses 
qui s'y trcuvent , Geneva, 1676; i^arls, 1692. 

rublished also under title page: Nicholas Sadeur (author), La + erre Aua- 
trale connuc , c' est a_ dire , la description de ce p ays incon nu 
jusqu* lei de aes mo curs et ses coutum es par u. Sad our, avec lea 

a vantures qui le conduisirent en ce contenant rodu its et ir.ises 

en lumi ere par lea spina et la conduit de G( abriel ) gj oigny ) , V ann cs , 

French reprint in Voyage a inagi na i re s , vol. xxiv, 1737. 

rontainea, ^ouys, Kelation du i N ays de Jansenie , ou il traite des singular it en 
qui 3'y trouvent , des coutume s, ^oeurs , et religion des Habitants , 
i rtris, 1660. 

Knglish translation "with a nap of the country" by t. b., 1663. 

Gamier, (editor). Voyages lmaginaires , romanes^ue s, memeillieux , allegoriques , 
amusans, corniques , et critiques , suivis des s onge s et visions , efe 
des romans catalisticjues , 39 vols*, Amsterdam, 1737 - 1789. 
jtf'or voyages imaginaires in this collection see: d'Aubignac, Aulnoy, 

£ergerac, beriogton, tethune, rougeant, rricaire, Camben^ , Clairfons, 
Desfontaine, Srivel, Holberg, Legrand, j-ucian, iuartigny, Mont r ens ier , 
..ouhy, baltock, boumier, Sorel, Swift, ^allenent , Vairasse. 

Glanvil, Joseph, Anti-fanatical Religion , and *Yee Philosophy . In a Continua- 
tion of the i^ew Atlantis , 1676. 

Godwin, Francis, A view of St . Helena , an island in the Ethiopian Ocean , in 

America , now in the possession of the honorable East - Indian- Company , 
where their ships annually refresh in their Indian voyages ; with an 
acco'ant of the admirable Voyage of Lomingo Gonzales , the little 
Spaniard , to the World in the ^oon , by the Help of several Gansa' s 
or large Jeese . An inganious bancy , written by_ a late learned bishop 
Perth, 1638. 

Reprinted under title, The in the Loone ; or a_ Discourse of a_ Journey 

thither by Domingo Gonzales , the Speedy messenger , 1657 
Reprinted in Anglia , vol. x, pp 423 - 456. 
r -eprinted in Karleian miscellany , vol. xi, pp. 511 - u34. 
brench translations, 1648, 16o4, 1671. 
German translations, 1659 and 1660. 

Gott, Samuel, i»ova Soiyma the Ideal City ; or Jerusalem Regained , i-ondon, 1648; 

English translation v/ith an introduction and notes by Walter begley, 1S02. 

Grivel, Guillame, ^'Isle Inconnue , ou ^.empires du Chevalier des Gastines , con- 
tenant 1* histoire de_ la_ reformat ipn et de civilisation de la societe , 
1733 - 1737. 

Reprinted in Voyages Imaginaire s, vols, vii, viii, ix, 1767. 
H, R. , flew Atlanti s continued by , 1640; j-ondon, 1660. 


Hall, Joseph, uundus Alter et Idem slve Terra Austral is ante hao se.iper incognl ta 
longls 1 1 lncri Lus peregr in! Academic 1 imperrimc luotrata , Hanover t 
1607 ; Prankfort, no date given. 

reprinted and bound with tacon's New Atlant is and Gampanelln • I Civitas 
Soils , 1643; sa:ne t 1680. 

Heprinted in Works, vol. xii, Oxford, 1839. 

English translation, anon . , The D is cover:/ of a_ +«ew World or a fiescrif tion 
of the South Indies , hitherto unKnowne . i:y an hnglis h Ik rcury . No 
date or place given. 

Another by J(ohn) H(ealey), A Discoverie , and No Discoverie , of a World 
and No .Vorld , .both rjiowne and Unknowne , by a Traveller that never 
Travelled ; Written Pirst in ratine and No ratine , and i<ow Translated 
and Yet ^ot ^anslr ted , by the Same .^n Yet not the. Same ~an that 
Pirst of. All Penn'd It , 16C8. 

Another by 'ta. as far as Book 1, chapter 7, no date; reprinted in 
Ideal Comiaonwealths , ed. Kenry ^orley, pp. 267 - 234, 1885. 

Por translation which profess to be orignal work see: 

Psittacorum Hegio 
S., K. 

Kartlib, Samuel, A Description of the lungdom of .nacar ia ; shewing its excellent 
government , rherein the inhabitants live in great prosperity , health , 
and happiness ; the King obeyed , the nobles honoured , and all good men 
respected ; vice punished and virtue rewarded . An example to other 
nations . In §_ dialog between §_ Scholar and a Traveller , 1641 
Reprinted in Karleian miscellany , vol. iv, pp 380 - 387. 

#Herodotus, The True history , 5th century B.C. 

Pirst European edition, Aldus, Venice, 1502. 
rirst English translation by Harnaby Hich, 1584. 

Standard English translation ty li. Hawlinson, 1858 - 1860; reprinted in 
Everyman Library, 1910. 

Kolberg, .uudwig. Iter Subterraneuro Nicolani Klimi i, Cppenhagen, 1741 
English translation, 1747. 

French translation, Le_ Voyage de Nicholas a! imius dans le monde souterrain 
contenant une nouvelle theorie de la terre , et l'histoire d'une 
cinuuieme monarchie inconnue juaqv'a present ; ouvrage traduit du 
+>atin par de iuaijjvillon , in Voyages Imaginaires , vol. xix. 

Jacobs, J. (editor), The Book, of Wonder Voyages , ^ondon, 1906. 

king, Wm., See Hall, fundus Alter et Idem . 

kirkby, John, The Capacity and Extent of the Human Understanding ; exemplified in 
the extraordinary case of Automat he s , a_ Young Nobleman who was 
accidentally left in his infancy u pon §_ desolate island , and con- 
tinued nineteen years in that solitary state , separate from all 
Human society , London, 1745 
Heprinted in Popular Komances , ed. H. Weber, pp. i>83 - 638, 1812. 

i-egrand, i-iark Antoine, Aventures ^u Voyageur .o-rien , Paris, 1724. 
reprinted in Voyages Imaginaires , vol. xxiii. 

Anon . , .Life and Adventure? of John Daniel , conta i n ing hi a Shipwreck with one 

Companion on a -^esolate Island : his acci iental Discovery of a Woman . 
^heir peop ling of the the Island , ^lso a rescript Io n of an io 
invented by his Son Jacob t on which he flew to the i..oon , with some 
account of its Inhabitants . His he turn and accidental /all into the 
Habitation of a oca-monster , with whom he lived two .years , 17 

Lucian, Verac Historiae . cir. A.D. 200. 

rirst -.uropean edition, Florence, 1456. 

Prench translation by rierre d'Abliccurt with allegorical continuation, 

1654; reprinted in Voyages lma^inaires . vol. xiii, pp. 1 - 112. 
English translation by rerrand 3pence, 1684. 
Another by H. W. and E. J. Fpwler, Oxford, 190b. 

Another by. A. T. Hatmpn with alternate jages of »ireek text, itew York, 191. 

--acflermot, iuxirtagh ( pseud . ) , A Trip to the ^oon by_ -urtagh ncLermpt ; containing 
some observations and reflections made by him during his stay in 
that planet upon the manners of the inhabitants , Dublin, 1728. 

iaandeville, John, The Voiage and Travaile of , cir. 13^0. 

printed by Eynspn, no date given; by Vvynkiyn de Worde, 1499 ; by T. Este, 
1568; 158- ; 

Reprinted in Hakluyt's Voyages , 1598 - 1600. 

Other reprints in 1612, 1613, 1625, 1657, 1670, 1677, 1684, 1696, 1705, 

1722, 1725, and 1727. 
Reprint Of edition of 172o, ed. J. 0. Halliwell, 1339; re-issued 1366 and 


Reprinted in Roxburghe Club xubli cat ions , ed. G. F. Warner, 1339. 

i^artigny, Le Comte de, Voyage d' Alcim^don , ov nauf rage qui conduit au i ort ♦ 

Eistoire plus vraie que vraisemblable , mais qui peut encourager a la 
recherche des terres inconnu^s , Amsterdam, 1759; iJancy and Paris, 

Reprinted in Voyages Imaginaires , vol. x, pp. 1 - 94. 

Montesquieu, Charles de, I'Eistcire des Troglodites , cir. 1713. 

Reprinted in Voyages Imaginaires , vol. x, pp. 213 - 222, 1787. 

...pntpensier , Anne, -^elation de 1' Isle Imaginaire , 1662. 
Reprinted in Voyages Imaginaires , vol. xxvi, 1737. 

Lore, Thomas, De opt imp reipublicne statu , deoue no^a insula Utopia , i^ouvain, 

Seccnd editipn, Paris, 1617. 
Third editipn, Easle, 1518. 
i-'Purth editipn, Venice, 1519. 
Pifth editipn, Basle, 1520. 

English ti-anslatipn by Ralph Robinson, 15^1; reprinted with an introduc- 
tion and notes by Churtpn Collins, 1904. 

Other English reprints 1597, 1606, 1624, 1639, 1684, 1808, 1869, 1379. 

reprinted in mpdern English in Ideal Commonwealths , ed. Eenry Lorley, 
pp. 53 - 167, 1335. 

uorelli, Lea liaufra^es des Isles * lottantes , ou la Basiliade de iilpai , 2 vpls 
Messina, 1753. 


.uouhy, Charios Pieux de, -uanekis t ov lea Voyages cxtraorlnairea d'un ggyj t ien 
dans la terre inter leure' , pvec la deco;jverte d' Isle dee Jylphldes , 
enr ich is de notes cu r ieuscs , 173o. 
Bej. rinted in Voyages lnag inn Ires , vols, xx and xxi, 1787. 

Seville, Henry, ?he lalea of I ines , or, a Late discovery of a_ j£ojuyrth Island In 
Terra nuatralis Incognita . Being a True Relation of certain English 

Persons, »*ho in the Dayes of v^ueen li izabeth . were cast away 

/aid nor,- lately . Anno Don . 1S67 a Dutch Ship . . . . have found their 
Posterity , 1668. 

A Hew and farther Diacovery of the Isle of . ine a in a_ ^etter from C^rnel- 

iuae van Sloetten , 1668. 
The tv;o bound together, 1668. 

2*ewca3tle, .-argaret Ducheaa of, ^ee Cavendish . 

Anon . , ^£ ivouveau Pjanurrje, avec sa navigation en 1* isle iiriaginaire , Rochelle, 
cir. 1615 

Paltoot, Robert, .Life and Adventures of reter Wilkina , London, 17t)0; 1751. 
Reprinted at Dublin, 17i>- 

-vefrinted in xppular homances , ed. H. Weber, pp. 201 - 348, 1812 
imprinted, ed. A. H. Bullen, 2 vole. 1834. 

French tranalation by P# de ruisieux, Homme s volants , ou les a ventures 
de Pierre Wil Aina , 1763; reprinted in Voyages lr/iaginairea , vola/ 
xxii and xxiii, 1737. 

Jenrjan translation, Die f liegenden uenachen Oder wunderbare Begebenheiten 
.reter Wilkina , 1767. 

Patriiii, Prancesco, La Citta Felice , Venice, loo3. 

Perthe, de, (editor), Voyages Iroaginaies , 1733 - 1739. 

Anon . , I iatoire d'un peuple nouveau ; ou , Deccuverte d'une isle a_ 43_ degrees 14 
minutes de latitude meridi onale par David Ton,! son , capita ine du 
vaisseau le Boston , £ son ret our de la Chine en 1756 . Ouvrage 
traduit de l'Angiaia , Londres , 1757 

#Plato, Critiaa , 4th century B.C. 

English translation by B. Jowett in Worka , vol. ii, pp. 535 - 607. 

ffxlato, Kepublic , 4th century B.C. 

Pirst English translation by E. Siena, 1763; reprinted in Everyman Library 
Standard English translation by B. Jowett in Tor its , vol. ii, pp. 1 - 452. 

#Plato, Timaeus , 4th century B.C. 

English tranalation by B. Jowett in Works , vol. ii, pp. 453 - 584. 

#Plutarch, Life of Lycurgus , 1st century A.D. 

English translation reprinted in Ideal Core: :onwealths , ed. Henry korley, 

Anon . , The Pope ' s Journey to the ether World to ^eek Advice and Assistance 
agt-inst the National Assembly of Prance , 1791. 

xv i 

Anon - , The . raise of He 1 1 : or, a view of the Infernal region a ■ Containing a one 

account or the advantages of that [ lace wlt)i respect to ita Antiquity , 
Sit u.ntion , and Stability . Together with a_ Descr i ption of 1 ts In- 
habitants , their 1 resscs , iJanners , Amuse no nts and . .rip 1 1 8 , etc. 

Anon . t i. 8lttacorum +iegio . The .Land of t nrrotts ; or the Shee lands . With a de- 

BOrl] ti on of other strange adjacent countries in the Domini one cf_ the 
r'rincc d' Amour , not hlthe rto found in any ggogrg) hical . by one 
of the most repute d wits , ^ondon, 1669 (Tl is is an imitation of 
Ball's fundus Alter et Idem ] 

Anon . , ^elation de ce qui s'est passe dans la nouvelle decouverte hoyaume de 
I'ri'squemore , raris, 1662. 

Anon . , relation d'un voyage du role Arcti^ue au + ole Antarctique i ar le centre 
du i-onde , avec la descr ir tion de ce t erilieux passage , et des choses 
mcrveixlieux et etonnantes qu'on a decouvertes sous le i^ole Antarc- 
tique , 1723. 

Reprinted in Voyages Iraginaires , vol. xix, pp. 367 - 434 

F.ossi, Giovanni Vittoria di, Ludemia , Leyden, 16Z7 ; Amsterdam, 164o; Frankfort, 

Eoumier, Kobert, Voyages de nil lord 9eton dans ies Sept Pianette s, ou le_ ITouveau 
went or , 1750. 

Reprinted in Voyages Imaginaires , vols, xvii and xviii, 1787. 

S. , R. , The Travels of Don Prancisco ^uevedo through Terra Australis Incognita 
discovering the ^aws , Customs , i^anners , and fashions of the South 
Indians . A ^cvel , originally in Spanish , 1684. (This is really a 
free translation of Kail's fundus Alter et Idem j 

Sadeur, Nicholas, ->-a fferre Australe, 1676. See Poigny, G. 

Sadler, John, Olbia : The I<ew Island lately discovered with its Religion and 
Rites of Worship; ^aws . Customs , and Government : Character and 
language ; with Education of their Children in their Sciences , Arts , 
and .manufactures ; with other things remari^ablc . by a_ Christian Pil- 
grim, driven by a tempest from Civitia Ve cchia . or some other parts 
about Borne , through the Straits into the Atlantic Ocean . The i irst 
Part , -ondon, 1660. 

Schnabel, Johann Gottfried, '.Yunderiiche Pata einiger See-Pahrer , absonderlich 
Albert Julii , eines gcbohrnen Sachsens , iicrdhausen, 1731; additional 
volumes, 1732, 1736, 1743. 
A new edition, Per lnsul Pelsenburg , ed. Ludwig Tieck, 1828. 
Part I reprinted in Lobinson u nd Kobinsonaden ,ed. Ulrich Herman, vol. x, 

Schooten, Kendrix van, The Hairy Giants ; or a Description of Two Islands in the 
South Sea , called by the name of ^enganga and Coma : Discove red by_ 
Ken 17; Schooten of Harlem ; in a Voyage began January 1669 , and 
finished October 1671 . written in Dutch by Henry Schoftten ; and now 
Englished by P. LI . Gent , cir. 1671. (The date is cut away from the 
copy in the feritish Museum.) 


Smeeks, Leinrich, sc9crclLung der iuflcht ^flni^rcichs nrinke copies durch den 
Kerrn Juan de rosos , Leipalg, 1721. 

Sorel, Charles, Descrir t&on de Lj Isle de i ortraiture , 1659. 
Keprinted in Voyages lmaginaires , vol. xxvi. 

Stibiin, Caspar, Commenta r io-lus de EudemgnengPtga Rfjmblloa , Lasle, 1655. 

Swift, Johnr.than, Travails into several Remote Nations of the .'.'or Id by ...emucl 
Gulliver , first Surgeon and then Captain of several Chips , 2 vols., 
in four parte, ^ondon, 1726. 
reprinted five times in 1726. 
Another in 1726 - 1727. 
x-ive in 1727. 

A new edition with a key in 1726. 
Another issue in 1735. 
fourth edition in 1742. 
tfifth edition in 1747. 

reprinted in Novelist's .«a t ,a^ine , vol. ix, 1324< also in j opular Romances , 

ed. E. Weber, 1312. 
modern edition in Works , ed. G. R, Dennis, vol. viii. 
French translation, anon . , Hague, 1727 

Another by P.F.G. Desfontaine, x J aris, 1727 ; reprinted in Voyages Imagi- 

naire ,yol. xiv, 1787. 
Dutch translation, The Hague . 1727. 

Tallement, L'abbe de, Voyage de 1* Isle d ' Amour , 1663. 
Keprinted in Voyages lmaginaires , vol., xxvi. 

Taylor, T., See Daniel, Voyage du kone de Descartes . 

Anon . , Travels of an Adventurous ^night through the /vingdom of bonder , 1731 

jTyssot de ratot, La vie , les aventures e_t de_ voyage de Croenland du lie ve rend 
Pcre Cordelier Pierre de Mesonge , Amsterdam, 1720. 

Tyssot de Patot/ Voyages et Aventures de Jacques Lasse , Cologne, 1710. 

Vairasse, Denis d'Allais, L'Kistoire des Severances , peuj le qui habitant une 

partie du troisieme continent , commuement appele la Terre Australe , 
r'aris, 1677 - 1679. 

Reprinted, Amsterdam, 1702 or 1716. 

Keprinted in Voyage s 1 mag ina i re s , vol. v, 1887. 

English translation by A. Hoberts, 1675. 

English translation of Part 11, 1679. 

German translation, 1689. 

Anon . , A Voyage through Hell by the Invincible iiaan of War Captain Single -eye . 
Dedicated to your grandfather . 1770. 

V/ahrenburg, Conetantin von, Land der Lufriedenheit . AOnigsberg, 1723. 

Walker, George, The Vagbonds , a £o"el . 3rd. ed., 2 vols., x.ondon, 1799. 


Weber, ^enry I editor), I'opulnr ;.oriances : cons istln^ of Imaginary voyage b and 
travels , contain i nj "dull iver' g Travels" , " iQurnc;/ to the Y/orld 
Unde rground" , "The ^ife and Advent urea Oi ^eter AilKlna" , ""^he 
Advent ures of Boblqson Cruaoe" , clad "The Mat, or;/ of " , 

to which is i ref ixed an introd u ctory dissertation , I-dinburgh, 1912. 

| Anon. , Per W ohlgerichtcte St§at der Lisher von vielen geauchten aber nlcht £e- 
funden ivonigare j ch Ophir w elcher die vOl lige nlrchcn-Verfa aaung 
Elarlohtung der Kohen und Nle flerg ochulen dca APnigs ^ual ittttcn 
Vermghlungsnrt Auf er^ie v ung der K-ttnigl icheji rTint^ en und Prlntaee- 
sinnen die nttnigliche Koffhalt und Kegleruag die i bef indllchen 
bediente n Land und Stadt-ObrigKe iten dere n llrwflhl Verricht und 
sea^-ldung in gle ich en die so wohl insgemein als lnaonder heit das 
das staatapolicey , Just ia-Commercien-Cammer und d e a und h e i t a - We a e n 
betref fende deseta und Ordnuag Itebat alien wissen nflthigan 
lin chrichten und kerkwurdigtceiten vorstellet , ^.eir^ig, 1699. 




Adam, James, (editor), The Lei ublic of rlato edited with critical notes , com- 
mentary, and appe nd ices , 2 vols., Cambridge, 1902. 

Aitken, G. A., Romances and Narratives of Lefoe , London, 1995. 

ArLuthnot, John, Critical RemarKS on "Gulliver* s Travel a " by Doctor -cent ley , 
Cambridge, 1734 - 5. 
reprinted in Arbuthnot's >.jfe and Works , ed . J. A. Aitkin, pp. 493 - 506. 

baldwin, Edward Chauncey, Ezekiel' s Holy State and flato' s "Republic" , in 
biblical World , vol. xli, pp. 365 - 373. 

barker, E. , The Political Thought of rlato and Aristotle , Appendix B, The Later 
History of the "Beputlic" , pp. 525 - 530, New York and London, 1906. 

Eenn, Alfred, The Idea of Nature in ^lato . in Archiv fur Geschichte der Philo- 
sophie , vol. ix, pp. 24-49. 

Brasch, ^orit^, Socialistiche Phantasiestaaten , Leipzig, 1885, in Gesammelte 
Essays und CharakterKtjpfe ^.ur neuren Philosophie und Literatur , 
Bd. i, s. 57ff. 

Bruggeman, Fritz, Utopie und Eobinsonade , gntersuchung ^u Schnabel' s Insel £e_l- 
senbur,^ , Weimar, 1914. 

Burton, Richard, Asters of the English Novel ; a study of principles and 
sonalities . New York, 19^9. 

Calenda, A. , Pra Tomnaso Campanella e_ la_ sua dottrina sociale e_ politica di 
fronte al sociaiismo mode mo , 1895. 

Caro, J., Staatsromane , r>erlin, 1878. 

Cross, IV. L., "Tie Development of the English Novel , pp. 6, 10, 20, 22, 23, 

27430, 30, 43, 61, 63, 65, 66, 70, 100, 101, 119, 135, 147, 151, 161, 
16ij, 166, 132, 204, 211, 281, 283, 285, 297, 303, 304, New York, 1899 

Dareste, C, Thomas Lorus et Campanella . Paris, 1843. 

Dawson, W. J., The makers of English Pietion . ch. I, ~ondon, 1905. 

Dawson, W. J. and C. W. , The Great English Novelist s with introductory essay 

and notes, 2 vols., vol. i, pp. 3, 4, 5, 13, 21; vol. ii, 7, 13, 15, 
134, 135-145, New York and x-ondon, 1911. 

Dibelius, Wilhelm, Englische Romanknnst . 2 vols, Berlin, 1910. 

Dodge , D. L. , Review of Yi 1,1am Olsvi^' s "HolSerg og England" , in Publications 

of the Society for Advancement of Scandinavian Study , vol. iii, no. 3 
pp. 279 - 281. 

Donnelly, Ignatius, Atlantis and the Antodiiuvian .Vorld , 1882. 

Dunlop, John, History of \ rose r 1 c t i on , 2 vols., ch. xill and x, 1814. 
Reprinted in 1343 and 13^6. 

r'orsythe, 'Nm. , The Nove ls and iN^velistfl of the Kightoent). Century in ilrustra- 
tlon or the mnncrs gag morals of the age , pp. 14, lb, 2t>, 121, 124, 
213, 26u, 341, London, 1871. 

Jehrke, A., Communist iche ldealstaat; n , ~renen, 1873. 

j Gregory, Allene, 'Ae i.-rench ^evoiuti on and the English ^ovel , 191b. 

Jruneisen, Karl, Die Christenburg von J_. V. Andreae , in ^eitschrift fur die 
historische Theologie , Bd. I, s. 231. 

Hflmling, E., /ghrten nach i~ond und SPnne , Leipzig, 1387. 

Held, Pelix E. , Johann Valentine Andreae' s " Christianopolis " , an Ideal State of 
the Seventennth Century , a translation with an introduction, 1914. 

Holliday, Carl, English Miction from the fifth to the twentieth century , pp. 
137, 143 - 14b, ilew York, 1912. 

Kugo, C, Ler Sozialismus ira rrankrcich im 17ten und 13ten Jahrhunderts , id. I, 
Teil ii, ALSchnitt 7, Stuttgart, 139b. 

Ktllleman, Carl, Andreae als Ledagog , ler Teil, 1384, 2er Teil, 1393. 

Jeaffreson, J. Cordy, Novels and Novelists from Elizabeth to Victoria , 2 vols, 
bound in one, vol. i, pp. 28 - 4b, 6o - 8b, London, 18b8. 

Jones, 3. K. , The Author shi; of the"iJftva Solyma" in library , July, 1910. 

Jusserand, J. J., The English ittovel in the Time of Shakespeare , translated from 
the u'reneh by Elizabeth Lee, pp. bO, 51, 73, 413, London, 1890. 

Airckenheim, Arthur von, Jeschichte der Dichtungen von besten Staate , Leipzig, 

kleinwa*chter, Ft, Die Staatsrroane , V/isen, 1391. 

LtJrting, P. H. , yeschicte des jranzOsichen Romans im 17ten Jahrhundert , Leipzig , 

.i.anier, Sidney, The Engl i ah Kovel and the ~ rincii le of Its Development , 1397. 

~into, "to., Defoe., English ^en of setter Series, Wcw York, 1879. 

i-ohl, Robert von. Die aeschi chte und Literatur derfltaatswissenschaf ten , 3 vols, 
vol. i, pp. 16b - 214, Erlangen, 13ou - 13b3 . 

korgan, Charlotte, The Rise of the Lpvel of ^.nners ; a study of English Prose 

.f iction between 1600 and 1740 , ch. i, Columbia University - ress , 1911 

XX 1 

iloriarty, U. t. % bean Swift and His Writin^e . ch. viii, ^ondon, 1892. 
Olsvig, Viljan, Holbgrg og. hry^land , ivristiann, 1913 • 

i Ohlman, Jcschichte des Ant i Ken nonmunisnua und So^ialisnua , 2 roll** Lunich, 

Poll, -jax. The Source s of "Juliiver'a Travels" , in University of Cincinnati Pub- 
lic; tions, Series ii, vol. iii. 

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The author of this thesis was born in Dayton, Ohio, 
January 24, 1887. He was educated in the public schools of 
that city, and was graduated from Steele High School in 
June, 1904. In September 1907 he entered the University of 
Illinois, Urbana, Illinois; and in June 1910 he was graduated 
with honor. He received the degree Master of Arts from the 
same institution in June, 1912. During the years 1910 - 1912 
he was an Assistant in English at the University of Illinois. 
He was an Instructor in English at the Oklahoma State College, 
Stillwater, Oklahoma, during the year 1912 - 1913, and the 
following year was v^ce an Instructor in English at the Wash- 
ington State College, Pullman, Washington. In September, 
1914, he returned to the University of Illinois as an In- 
structor in English, and at the same time resumed his graduate 
study. During the past year he has been a Fellow in English 
at the University of Illinois. He is a member of Phi Beta